Evaluating the Labour Market Integration of New Immigrants in the UK

Frattini, Tommaso

doi:10.1017/s1474746417000239

Cited by 13 publications

(16 citation statements)

References 18 publications

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“…The research proves that as white European migrants, they profit from a system of white privilege which constructs the ethnic and racialised other as the dialectic part of his hegemonic identity (Fox 2013). Still, the majority of Eastern Europeans in Britain perform low-paid, unqualified jobs (Frattini 2017).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 76%

“…Various authors drew our attention to the fact that a significant number of the migrants from the new accession countries work below their qualifications, in the lowest segments of the labour market, for a minimum wage (Anderson et al 2006;Nowicka 2012;Frattini 2017). Different public and private institutions such as employment agencies had a great share in such transforming of migrants' 'work first' motivation (Green 2007) into a cheap labour force that is remedying regional and sectoral shortages in low-paid and hard-to-fill occupations (Stenning and Dawley 2009;McCollum and Findlay 2015).…”

Section: New European 'Free Movers'mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Cultural Precarity: Migrants’ Positionalities in the Light of Current Anti-immigrant Populism in Europe

Nowicka

2018

Journal of Intercultural Studies

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The Brexit referendum was an earthquake to those in otherwise privileged positions: white intra-European migrants. Poles form the largest among these groups in the UK. As much as they are vulnerable to discrimination as non-British citizens, these migrants benefit from their whiteness and European heritage. They are objects of anti-immigrant campaigns, but they are not free of antiimmigrant sentiments and racist attitudes. This article uses the notion of 'cultural precarity' to highlight their ambivalent positionalities in Britain and how those have been changing since the Brexit vote. Drawing on three studies conducted among Poles in England between 2010 and 2017, it explores how the neoliberal and culturalist logics of belonging determine the migrants' conditions. By applying the lens of 'cultural precarity', the article is attentive to both to the migrants' vulnerability and the moments of everyday resistance to anti-immigrant populism now at work across Europe. The Brexit case is instructive for other contexts for it demonstrates how migrants construct their own cultural and racial proximity to dominant groups to counter vulnerability and secure inclusion.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 76%

Section: New European 'Free Movers'mentioning

confidence: 99%

Cultural Precarity: Migrants’ Positionalities in the Light of Current Anti-immigrant Populism in Europe

Nowicka

2018

Journal of Intercultural Studies

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“…Immigration to the UK rose substantially between 2000 and 2012, with the foreign-born population growing by over 70 per cent, from about 3.5 to 6 million (Frattini, 2017). Recent immigrants are younger and better educated than locally born individuals from the majority population, but are less likely to be employed and more highly concentrated in unskilled occupations, especially soon after arrival (Frattini, 2017). The increased presence of migrants in low-paid work, particularly through free movement within the European Union (EU), has attracted high-level political and public attention (Migration Advisory Committee, 2014) and figured prominently in the referendum on whether the UK should remain within the EU.…”

Section: Migrants In Low-paid Work In the Uk: The Socio-political Amentioning

confidence: 99%

Intersectionality, identity work and migrant progression from low‐paid work: A critical realist approach

Netto

Noon

Hudson

et al. 2020

Gender Work & Organization

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This article contributes to developing intersectionality theory by deepening understanding of how patriarchy and racism interact with other structural factors to influence low‐paid migrants’ progression attempts. Using a critical realist approach and analysing interviews of 31 female and male migrants employed in five large organizations in Scotland and England, we reveal how major structural factors influence their main forms of identity work and the resources that they draw on in both the workplace and home. The feminist approach undertaken by this study makes significant advances to organizational intersectional theory in three ways. Firstly, it highlights the importance of examining the interaction of the influence of patriarchy within the home with racism and other structuring forces within the workplace. Secondly, it reveals how combinations of constraints and enablements that intersect with gendered and racialized identity work create formidable barriers to progression. Thirdly, it explores migrants’ differential access to diverse resources, including financial, social, discursive and psychological resources in both spheres over time. These findings reinforce the need for policy actions that recognize the interaction of structural factors which influence female and male migrant progression and the need for support within and beyond the workplace.

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“…In theory, researchers should be able to use population surveys to examine cohorts of migrants over time, either to evaluate changes in integration outcomes (e.g., Borjas, 1985;Frattini, 2017). The first 1-2 years after arrival is expected to be the period in which migrants make the greatest gains along dimensions, such as earnings or occupational status, as they improve their language proficiency and gain countryspecific knowledge (Platt et al, 2015).…”

Section: Representativenessmentioning

confidence: 99%

How useful are survey data for analyzing immigration policy?

Sumption

2020

Data & Policy

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Large-scale population surveys have been an important source of data for the study of migration, and in many countries provide the only widely accessible data on migrants’ characteristics and outcomes after they arrive. For immigration policymakers, however, official survey data have some important limitations. Nonresponse to surveys is particularly likely to affect newly arrived migrants, biasing analysis toward more settled populations who have different characteristics (e.g., different fiscal costs), and hindering analysis of how integration outcomes evolve after arrival. Survey data are not well suited to capturing the dynamics of a mobile population, particularly among groups of migrants who spend substantial periods outside the country. And perhaps most importantly, official survey data usually identify migrants by country of birth and nationality (and sometimes self-reported reason for migration) but rarely include information on a person’s legal status either at arrival or at the time of data collection. This significantly limits the possibilities for evaluating policy and the impacts of policy changes: the characteristics of migrants coming for different reasons can vary enormously, so policymakers should be cautious about assuming that aggregate evidence on migrants or migration will be relevant to the specific routes on which they are taking decisions. This article illustrates some of these problems in practice showing how official survey data in the United Kingdom have been unable to answer one of the key questions facing the government, namely how many and which EU citizens need to apply to secure their residence rights after Brexit.

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Evaluating the Labour Market Integration of New Immigrants in the UK

Abstract: This article analyses the labour market integration of newly arrived immigrants in the UK

Cited by 13 publications

References 18 publications

Cultural Precarity: Migrants’ Positionalities in the Light of Current Anti-immigrant Populism in Europe

Cultural Precarity: Migrants’ Positionalities in the Light of Current Anti-immigrant Populism in Europe

Intersectionality, identity work and migrant progression from low‐paid work: A critical realist approach

How useful are survey data for analyzing immigration policy?

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