Evaluating the Loss of Kinship Structures: A Case Study of North American Indians

Fernández, Raúl A.

doi:10.17730/humo.46.1.75q577r64562v673

Cited by 10 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 6 publications

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“…Other risk factors for experiencing child abuse and neglect include children switching homes (DeBruyn et al 1992 ), having multiple men associated with the household (Nelson et al 1996 ), stressful life events in the household (Nelson et al 1996 ), and having a greater number of children in the household (Horejsi et al 1992 ; Nelson et al 1996 ; White and Cornely 1981 ). The presence of psychiatric problems in the caregiver (Nelson et al 1996 ), caregiver criminal records (DeBruyn et al 1992 ; Lujan et al 1989 ; Nelson et al 1996 ), and/or of childhood abuse/domestic violence in caregivers’ lives (Berlin 1987 ; Cross et al 2000 ; DeBruyn et al 1992 ; Fernandez 1987 ; Horejsi et al 1992 ; Lujan et al 1989 ; Mannes 1993 ) are risk factors for perpetrating abuse and neglect. Although child disability is associated with maltreatment, the direction of the effect in AI/AN remains unclear (DeBruyn et al 1992 ; Fischler 1985 ; U.S. Dept of Health and Human Services 2010 ).…”

Section: Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

Family and partner interpersonal violence among American Indians/Alaska Natives

et al. 2014

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Family and partner interpersonal violence are common among American Indian/Alaska Native (AI/AN) populations. AI/AN women have the second highest prevalence of violence against women among all racial/ethnic groups in the United States, and child abuse prevalence rates in AI/AN populations are among the highest. Elder abuse in AI/AN is also an important concern, although data on this are sparse. This review describes the epidemiology of child abuse, violence against women, and elder abuse among AI/AN, including prevalence and associated risk factors. The authors discuss potential reasons for the high burden of interpersonal violence among AI/AN, including common risk factors. Important limitations in existing literature are also highlighted, along with recommendations for future research on this topic.Electronic supplementary materialThe online version of this article (doi:10.1186/2197-1714-1-7) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

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Section: Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

Family and partner interpersonal violence among American Indians/Alaska Natives

et al. 2014

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“…Not only are individuals affected, as they avoid important cultural activities such as gardening, hunting, fishing, trapping, and gathering of plants in order to protect their health, but effects are also felt at the extended family, clan, community, and Nation level (4)(5)(6)(7)(26)(27)(28)(29)(30)(31).…”

Section: The Need For Changementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Impacts and risks to the social, cultural, and spiritual practices of Native peoples must be included in identifying and addressing risks to health (3,4,16,18,(26)(27)(28)(32)(33)(34). In the case of Akwesasne, it has been found that the traditional cultural practices that express and reaffirm identity and culture increase exposure of community members to toxic substances.…”

Section: Sociocultural Implications Of Exposure To Contaminantsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Holistic risk-based environmental decision making: a Native perspective.

Arquette¹,

Cole²,

Cook³

et al. 2002

Environ Health Perspect

154

148

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Native American Nations have become increasingly concerned about the impacts of toxic substances. Although risk assessment and risk management processes have been used by government agencies to help estimate and manage risks associated with exposure to toxicants, these tools have many inadequacies and as a result have not served Native people well. In addition, resources have not always been adequate to address the concerns of Native Nations, and involvement of Native decision makers on a government-to-government basis in discussions regarding risk has only recently become common. Finally, because the definitions of health used by Native people are strikingly different from that of risk assessors, there is also a need to expand current definitions and incorporate traditional knowledge into decision making. Examples are discussed from the First Environment Restoration Initiative, a project that is working to address toxicant issues facing the Mohawk territory of Akwesasne. This project is developing a community-defined model in which health is protected at the same time that traditional cultural practices, which have long been the key to individual and community health, are maintained and restored.

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“…Restoration may also be culturally inadequate in that cash compensation for cultural disruption in cases of native American communities is often misguided. For example, in a study of social disruption in a native American community, Fernandez (1987) pointed out that loss of a natural resource (irrigation water) fundamental to community survival could not be "compensated" by cash payments. In fact, he suggested that some form of communal restoration (desired by respondents) instead of individual recompense for economic or social loss was most appropriate: "To suggest cash payments to individuals as a form of settlement disregards the stated desires of the Sobobans as a group, and, implicitly, denies these Native Americans their birthright" (Fernandez 1987, p. 8).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%