Every little helps? YouTube, sousveillance and the ‘anti-Tesco’ riot in Stokes Croft

Reilly, Paul

doi:10.1177/1461444813512195

Cited by 24 publications

(16 citation statements)

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“…From the two case studies, the most obviously influential 'contextual' matter so far as the potential for disorder was concerned was the experience of the 'Tesco riot' in Bristol earlier in 2011 (Reilly, 2015). This was thought to have had two main effects.…”

Section: Contextualmentioning

confidence: 99%

Reflections on why riots don’t happen

Newburn

2015

Theoretical Criminology

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Abstract:In contrast to much of the literature in the field of public disorder, rather than focusing on the nature and aetiology of riots, in this paper I investigate why riots don't happen. During times of widespread disorder there are some locations that, whilst apparently sharing many of the features of the places where significant disorder is occurring, do not fall prey to rioting themselves. Why? Against the backdrop of the 2011 England riots -though the arguments developed here have international application -I use two case studies involving semi-structured interviews with key informants in two such locations to reflect on why riots don't happen. Initially drawing on Waddington's 'flashpoints' model, I argue that it was primarily matters at an interactional level that appear to have been crucial in the absence of riots in these particular cases. In order to facilitate a more detailed analysis at this level in particular, I propose some elaboration of the flashpoints approach, using Reicher's 'social identity' model, as the basis understanding the nature of police-crowd and policecommunity interaction.

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Section: Contextualmentioning

confidence: 99%

Reflections on why riots don’t happen

Newburn

2015

Theoretical Criminology

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“…It is a commonplace to remark on how textually‐centric the social sciences and humanities continue to be and we see this in the many studies of YouTube that have concentrated on the commentaries made on videos rather than the videos themselves (Reilly ; Uldam and Askanius ). However human geography has had a video‐tropic thread from the outset, in other words, human geographers have turned toward video itself, following a trajectory established by its approach to the visual (Rose ), to media (Lukinbeal and Craine ) and embodied and bodily practices (Simpson ).…”

Section: Video‐tropicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Police encounters are a relatively common genre of recordings on YouTube and are a new form of ‘secondary visibility’ of police and security activities (Goldsmith ) or ‘sousveillance’ (Reilly ). In the USA, Jones and Raymond used third‐party video recordings of police encounters kept by a resident of an African American neighbourhood ‘to document and deter police brutality’ (Jones and Raymond , 110).…”

Section: Counter‐record: Police Encountersmentioning

confidence: 99%

YouTube: fragments of a video‐tropic atlas

Laurier¹

2015

Area

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In this article I make a plea for human geographers to make use of the rapidly growing collection of video materials that can be found on YouTube and other online collections. My tiny atlas of YouTube picks out three videos in order to exhibit the richness of audio-visual materials that can be found and to offer one potential form of video analysis. The three videos are common amateur genres on YouTube: home movies of family occasions, a video-blog and the counter-surveillance of the police. Against understanding these videos as 'personal' , I argue that they are open to their 'any-misation' for the purposes of studying shared practices. In turning toward video, human geography gains a source of data on the temporal, embodied, bodily, material and mobile aspects of spatial practices. Brief analyses of the three videos are provided in order to show how we can investigate video practices as both documenting and reflexively constituting practices of gift-giving, caring for others and surveilling the police. Finally, I present a case for selecting 'badly produced' videos for good analytic reasons.

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“…Images of these demonstrations shared on social media not only help protesters build a counter-narrative to that promoted by traditional media, but may also raise questions about the policing of such incidents while simultaneously ÔhumanisingÕ those groups that experience political oppression (Reilly, 2015). These images were frequently shared on social media during recent high-profile mass public demonstrations such as the Egyptian ÔrevolutionÕ in January 2011 (Gerbaudo, 2012) and the anti-Putin demonstrations in Russia in early 2012 (Oates, 2013).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%