2013
DOI: 10.1075/aral.36.3.02sel
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Everywhere and nowhere

Abstract: The language ecologies of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities in Queensland are characterised by widespread language shift to contact language varieties, yet they remain largely invisible in discourses involving Indigenous languages and education. This invisibility – its various causes and its many implications – are explored through a discussion of two creoles which developed in Queensland: Yumplatok (formerly Torres Strait Creole) and Yarrie Lingo. Although both are English-lexified and origina… Show more

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Cited by 38 publications
(18 citation statements)
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“…However, pronunciation, word meaning, and pragmatics many differ significantly. Syntax also differs from Standard English (Angelo, 2013;Eades, 2013;Simpson & Wigglesworth, 2018). Kriol varieties are widely used as a lingua franca by the Indigenous population in these areas of Australia.…”
Section: Australian Indigenous Languagesmentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…However, pronunciation, word meaning, and pragmatics many differ significantly. Syntax also differs from Standard English (Angelo, 2013;Eades, 2013;Simpson & Wigglesworth, 2018). Kriol varieties are widely used as a lingua franca by the Indigenous population in these areas of Australia.…”
Section: Australian Indigenous Languagesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…There tends to be limited recognition of the often extensive language repertoires children bring to school, and particularly of multilingual/multidialectal Indigenous children who are speakers of English-lexified varieties such as Kriol varieties. The transition of the Torres Strait Islander creole, often initially referred to as Broken (Shnukal, 1988), to Yumplatok, is an example of this, and for some younger speakers, Yumplatok has now become a symbol of identity (Sellwood & Angelo, 2013).…”
Section: Assessment In Non-english Speaking Indigenous Contextsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…As a result, almost all Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students in present day Queensland are not acquiring a traditional language as their first language (L1) 'automatically' through constant exposure via naturalistic interactions with their families. Everyday language usage amongst the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples of Queensland has shifted -or is in the process of shifting-away from traditional languages and over to Englishlexified contact varieties and/or Englishes (Angelo, 2004(Angelo, , 2006a(Angelo, , 2009Angelo, Carter & McIntosh, 2010;Angelo & McIntosh, forthcoming;Eades, 2013;McIntosh et al, 2012;Sellwood & Angelo, 2013).…”
Section: The Language Contextsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Simpson & Wigglesworth, 2008). So too is a recognition of how these diverse language contexts impact on Indigenous EAL/D learners, how these learners' needs are perceived and responded to by educators and how this cohort's performance is evaluated at system levels (including, in the Queensland context alone, for example: Angelo, 2009Angelo, , 2012Carter, 2010Carter, , 2011Dixon & Angelo, 2012;Lingard, Creagh & Vass, 2011;McIntosh, O'Hanlon & Angelo, 2012;Sellwood & Angelo, 2013).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The most widespread of these, Kriol, is spoken by around 20,000 people across the northernmost parts of the Northern Territory and Western Australia (Schultze-Berndt et al 2013). Several other Creole varieties (Torres Strait Creole, e.g., Shnukal 1991; Cape York Creole, e.g., Crowley and Rigsby 1979), mixed languages (Gurindji Kriol, e.g., Meakins 2015); Light Warlpiri, e.g., O'Shannessy (2013), dialects of English (Aboriginal English, e.g., Eades 2014), and others (such as Wumpurrarni English, e.g., Disbray 2008; and various Queensland contact varieties, e.g., Sellwood and Angelo 2013) have proliferated in the many varied, and often imposed, sites of sustained language contact since colonial invasion 1 .…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%