Evolution of Multiracial Organizations: Where We Have Been and Where We Are Going

Brown, Nancy G.; Douglass, Ramona E.

doi:10.4135/9781452233840.n7

Cited by 2 publications

(1 citation statement)

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“…Because they straddle the boundaries of several categories, biracial and multiracial people are often not seen as belonging into any particular group. Society’s rigid formulation of what defines a race (see Kelley & Root, 2003; Shih & Sanchez, 2005; Wardle, 1999), a lack of institutional acknowledgement of multiracial identity (Brown & Douglas, 2003; Kelley & Root, 2003), and even social psychology’s approach to studying race-related phenomena all reflect how multiracial individuals are often “left out” simply because they do not fit well into precise categories, check-boxes, or models. The research presented here suggests that those who do not fit the typical racial schema may often not be included into the in-group and thus may be frequently misremembered like other out-group members.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Not so black and white: Memory for ambiguous group members.

Pauker

Weisbuch

Ambady

et al. 2009

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology

140

168

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Exponential increases in multi-racial identities expected over the next century, creates a conundrum for perceivers accustomed to classifying people as “own” or “other” race. The current research examines how perceivers resolve this dilemma with regard to the “own-race bias.” We hypothesized that perceivers would not be motivated to include ambiguous-race individuals in the in-group and would therefore have some difficulty remembering them. Both racially-ambiguous and other-race faces were misremembered more often than own-race faces (Study 1), though memory for ambiguous faces was improved among perceivers motivated to include biracial individuals in the in-group (Study 2). Racial labels assigned to racially ambiguous faces determined memory for these faces, suggesting that uncertainty provides the motivational context for discounting ambiguous faces in memory (Study 3). Finally, an inclusion motivation fostered cognitive associations between racially-ambiguous faces and the in-group. Moreover, the extent to which perceivers associated racially-ambiguous faces with the in-group predicted memory for ambiguous faces and accounted for the impact of motivation on memory (Study 4). Thus, memory for biracial individuals seems to involve a flexible person construal process shaped by motivational factors.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Not so black and white: Memory for ambiguous group members.

Pauker

Weisbuch

Ambady

et al. 2009

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology

140

168

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

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"Founding Mothers:" White Mothers of Biracial Children in the Multiracial Movement (1979-2000)

Castagno¹

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classification option that permitted multiracial people to check more than one race box on the 2000 census. This option recognized multiraciality by allowing affiliation with multiple existing monoracial groups, rather than designating "Multiracial" as another single identity option. Project RACE (Reclassify All Children Equally) preferred a standalone "Multiracial" category in addition to monoracial labels; Project RACE's founder and constituents believed having multiracial-specific terminology would help create a distinct multiracial community. 8 Due to the socio-political advantages of formal racial recognition, 9 racial classification became a key objective of the Multiracial Movement. After interracial and multiracial organizations successfully lobbied for multiracial recognition on local school and hospital forms, multiracial recognition on Census 2000 became one of the movement's primary goals. Canadian philosopher Charles Taylor claims, "Non or misrecognition can inflict harm, can be a form of oppression, imprisoning someone in a false, distorted, and reduced mode of being." 10 Activists hoped that recognition on Census 2000 would formally legitimize pluralistic multiracial identities as whole and complex, rather than incomplete or confused versions of monoracial identities as they were generally thought of at the time. For example, multiracial children were 8 Graham, Susan. Interview by Alicia Castagno. Telephone interview. November 12, 2011. 9 Some of the potential benefits of official racial recognition include a strong, socially and politically identifiable racial community, race-specific federal policy and benefits (in healthcare and economic aid, for example), and identity legitimization. Only the standalone "Multiracial" option would yield the same advantages for a multiracial population. The "mark one or more" philosophy that AMEA and the federal government ultimately adopted did not have the same potential.

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Evolution of Multiracial Organizations: Where We Have Been and Where We Are Going

Cited by 2 publications

References 0 publications

Not so black and white: Memory for ambiguous group members.

Not so black and white: Memory for ambiguous group members.

"Founding Mothers:" White Mothers of Biracial Children in the Multiracial Movement (1979-2000)

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