Exclusionary Democratization in Nepal, 1990–2002

Lawoti, Mahendra

doi:10.1080/13510340701846434

Cited by 35 publications

(27 citation statements)

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“…In Nepal's case, vulnerability to climate risks is essentially bound up with processes of exclusion in society in terms of class, caste, gender, ethnicity, and geographic location. Despite rich studies on state formation and excluded groups in society (Lawoti, 2008), there is little evidence in the literature on how climate policies incorporate the concerns of such groups. The question, in a more fundamental sense, becomes how and to what extent climate policy processes recognize and respond to the underlying politics of representation at play in a particular society and how that (lack of) recognition emerges in part from the hegemony of global-scale climate science in framing, bounding, and justifying policy decisions.…”

Section: Contextualizing the Nepal Case In The Wider Climate Policy Dmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…While local communities have been able to cope with gradual risks and with some level of natural hazards in the past, the emerging climate change crisis is by no means avoidable through the actions of local communities alone, especially in the context of active political and social drivers that result in exclusion and marginalization. Questions such as how socially excluded groups, usually living in remote and natural-hazard-prone areas, can participate in the policy process have become pressing (Lawoti, 2008). Moreover, in the context of climate policy, how such groups can have a voice and how the channels and pathways of representation can ensure reflection of subjective and objective realities underlying vulnerability has become an additional challenge.…”

Section: Adaptation Policy Responses In Nepal: What Happened and How?mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Given the high level of risks foreseen, one might justify expediency even if that involves compromising full participation by climate-affected communities (Few, Brown, & Tompkins, 2007). However, in the context of a heightened demand for the inclusive restructuring of the Nepalese state (Lawoti, 2008;Tamang, 2011), and a history of repeated political upheavals triggered by a system of social exclusion (Deraniyagala, 2005), whether and to what extent climate policy processes become inclusive and fair to climate-affected people becomes a crucial issue. Indeed, Nepal's own history of environmental policy making suggests that policies that ignore the concerns of the affected people are likely to fail, irrespective of whether or not there is immediate resistance to policies at the time of formulation.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Policy without politics: technocratic control of climate change adaptation policy making in Nepal

Ojha¹,

et al. 2015

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As developing countries around the world formulate policies to address climate change, concerns remain as to whether the voices of those most exposed to climate risk are represented in those policies. Developing countries face significant challenges for contextualizing global-scale scientific research into national political dynamics and downscaling global frameworks to subnational levels, where the most affected are presumed to live. This article critiques the ways in which the politics of representation and climate science are framed and pursued in the process of climate policy development, and contributes to an understanding of the relative effectiveness of globally framed, generic policy mechanisms in vulnerable and politically volatile contexts. Based on this analysis, it also outlines opportunities for the possibility of improving climate policy processes to contest technocratic framing and generic international adaptation solutions. Policy relevanceNepal's position as one of the countries most at risk from climate change in the Himalayas has spurred significant international support to craft climate policy responses over the past few years. Focusing on the National Adaptation Programme of Action (NAPA) and the Climate Change Policy, this article examines the extent to which internationally and scientifically framed climate policy in Nepal recognizes the unfolding political mobilizations around the demand for a representative state and equitable adaptation to climate risks. This is particularly important in Nepal, where political unrest in the post-conflict transition after the end of the civil war in 2006 has focused around struggles over representation for those historically on the political margins. Arguing that vulnerability to climate risk is produced in conjunction with social and political conditions, and that not everyone in the same locality is equally vulnerable, we demonstrate the multi-faceted nature of the politics of representation for climate policy making in Nepal. However, so far, this policy making has primarily been shaped through a technocratic framing that avoids political contestations and downplays the demand for inclusive and deliberative processes. Based on this analysis, we identify the need for a flexible, contextually grounded, and multi-scalar approach to political representation while also emphasizing the need for downscaling climate science that can inform policy development and implementation to achieve fair and effective adaptation to climate change.

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Section: Contextualizing the Nepal Case In The Wider Climate Policy Dmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Adaptation Policy Responses In Nepal: What Happened and How?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Policy without politics: technocratic control of climate change adaptation policy making in Nepal

Ojha¹,

et al. 2015

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“…Horizontal inequalities (HIs) refer to inequalities between socio-culturally defined groups with shared identities formed around religion, ethnic ties or racial or caste-based affiliations (Stewart, 2008 (Bray, Lunde & Murshed, 2003;Murshed & Gates, 2004;Deraniyagala, 2006), and the pervasive exclusion of vast swathes of the population based on caste, ethnicity, religion, gender, and region feature prominently in most analyses of both pre-and post-conflict Nepal (detailed later in this chapter; see Dahal, 2005;Folmar, 2013;Hall, 2011;Hangen, 2007;Hangen & Lawoti, 2013;Lawoti, 2008;Malagodi, 2011;Shneiderman & Turin, 2012;Tiwari, 2010;Sijapati, 2013;von Eisiedel, Malone & Pradhan, 2012).…”

Section: Maoist Conflictmentioning

confidence: 99%

Rebuilding institutional legitimacy in post-conflict societies: a case study of Nepal

Fisk¹

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Legitimacy refers to the perceived rightfulness of authorities, and is central to citizens' perceptions of institutions such as the government. Legitimate authority is linked to acceptance of institutions and long-term stability of societies. As such, rebuilding the legitimacy of institutions such as the government and judiciary ('institutional legitimacy') is essential for stability in post-conflict societies. In this thesis, I explore the factors that lead citizens to view their government as legitimate following the reconstruction of central government institutions after a conflict. I draw on sociological, political science, social psychological and statebuilding theories to develop and present a theoretical model of post-conflict legitimacy.The model has three key components. The first encompasses relational and instrumental antecedents of legitimacy. Relational antecedents encompass fair and neutral decision-making, as well as respectful and dignified treatment, and are referred to collectively as procedural justice. Instrumental antecedents are those which involve outcomes to citizens, and include distributive justice (fairness in outcome distribution), outcome favourability (personal gain in outcomes), and government performance (the ability of the government to function effectively and provide services to citizens). These main variables are investigated along with contingencies relating to social groups that may influence the relationship between procedural justice and legitimacy, such as national identification and group power. Testing of the first model component revealed that procedural justice was by far the strongest predictor of post-conflict institutional legitimacy, and was significantly stronger than instrumental variables such as distributive justice, government performance, and outcome favourability. Further, the relationship between procedural justice and legitimacy was moderated by national identification and group power, suggesting that procedural justice operates through social identity to exert its positive effect. Moreover, the effect of procedural justice on government legitimacy was not simply due to trust and performance perceptions of local institutions, and was not diminished by the government's ability to provide essential services (as predicted by the statebuilding literature). 4Testing of the second model component revealed that two elements of local ownership-voice and local influence-weakly predicted legitimacy, with these relationships varying according to participants' position in the Nepalese caste hierarchy.Testing of the third model component revealed a significant social interaction effect, such that citizens' legitimacy beliefs are influenced by the legitimacy views of those around them. This effect persisted even when demographic, regional, and individual-level variables were controlled.This thesis concludes that procedural justice is more predictive of post-conflict institutional legitimacy than instrumental outcomes. Further, the relationship appears to operat...

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“…In Nepal, the repetitive strikes, Bandhs, 11 blockades, parliament disruptions and political struggles saturated with hollow promises (Lawoti 2007) are putting large constraints on people's scope for negotiations. Moreover, not all stories and news are put on display by the local radios for scrutiny and negotiation amongst the audience.…”

Section: Negotiations Linking the Past Present And Futurementioning

confidence: 99%

Mediating transitions: Local radio and the negotiations of citizenship in rural Nepal

Thorsen¹

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Exclusionary Democratization in Nepal, 1990–2002

Cited by 35 publications

References 0 publications

Policy without politics: technocratic control of climate change adaptation policy making in Nepal

Policy without politics: technocratic control of climate change adaptation policy making in Nepal

Rebuilding institutional legitimacy in post-conflict societies: a case study of Nepal

Mediating transitions: Local radio and the negotiations of citizenship in rural Nepal

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