Executive Selection in the European Union: Does the Commission President Investiture Procedure Reduce the Democratic Deficit?

Hix, Simon

doi:10.1093/0198296401.003.0006

Cited by 17 publications

(16 citation statements)

References 142 publications

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“…The challenge for empirical researchers is to measure individual-level perceptions of devolution and marry such data with a theoretical perspective on the development of a polity and notions of representation. Bradbury, 1998;Hazell and Cornes, 1999;Hazell, 2000;Laffin and Thomas, 1999;Laffin, Thomas and Webb, 2000;Marinetto 2001;McAllister, 2000aMcAllister, , 2000bRawlings, 1998;Webb, 1999. 2 See Katz, 2001;Tseblis and Garrett, 2000;McKay, 2000;Verdun, 1999;Elgie, 1999;Hix, 1997. 3 Further information on national identity will be available in late 2002 when the results of the 2001 Welsh Life and Times survey are released.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Evaluating Devolution in Wales

Kay

2003

Political Studies

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Reviews of devolution in Wales have been focussed so far on empirical description and positive analysis; there has been almost no discussion of how it should be judged or evaluated. I redress this imbalance by considering the arguments for devolution and the various normative values that may be used to evaluate the process. The arguments for devolution are of two basic kinds. Some are consequentialist: that devolution is desired on the grounds that it is believed to have good or desirable effects. Others are deontological: that devolution is thought to be intrinsically valuable. Any attempt to justify and evaluate devolution by consequentialist reasoning amounts to post hoc ergo propter hoc rationalisation. The social sciences are a long way from allowing the prediction of the global long‐term net equilibrium effects of a major institutional change such as devolution in Wales. I further argue that the nonconsequentialist value of autonomy is the underlying justification for the devolution process. Devolution should be judged according to how it appeals to, supports or embodies this value.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Evaluating Devolution in Wales

Kay

2003

Political Studies

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“…Indeed, a shift is evident in the structure of coalitions, towards one in which center-right coalitions are more common, while the fre-quency of "grand coalitions" of the EPP-PES has actually declined. This pattern was clearly discernible in the first six months of the 1999 Parliament, during which Hix (2000c) found that the "grand coalition" was evident in 60 percent of votes, as opposed to an average of 75 percent in the preceding parliament.…”

Section: The Rise Of Party Politicsmentioning

confidence: 92%

The European Parliament and the Commission Crisis: A New Assertiveness?

Judge¹,

Earnshaw²

2002

Governance

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This article examines two claims made about the "Commission crisis" of 1999: first, that the accountability of the Commission to the European Parliament (EP) was significantly increased; and, second, that the model of parliamentary government in the European Union (EU) was advanced by events in 1999. In analyzing the crisis and its consequences, this article focuses upon the powers of dismissal and appointment, and what these powers reveal about the capacity of the EP both to hold the Commission responsible for its collective and individual actions and to influence its policy agenda. If a parliamentary model is to develop in the EU, the negative parliamentary powers of censure and dismissal have to be balanced by the positive powers of appointment and enhanced executive responsiveness. On both counts-dismissal and appointment-the 1999 "Commission crisis" did not point to the clear and unambiguous dawning of a "genuine European parliamentary democracy."

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“…Hence, they put pressure on their MEPs to vote for the compromise, even if that implies voting against the line of their EP party group' (p. 845). Support for these arguments was found in studies analysing domestically sensitive votes such as the election of the EC president (Hix, 1997;Hix & Lord 1996), the enlargement process (Ö hlén, 2013), or the treaty reforms (Moravcsik, 1998).…”

Section: The European Parliament and The Euro Crisismentioning

confidence: 99%

An Emerging Divide? Assessing the Impact of the Euro Crisis on the Voting Alignments of the European Parliament

Braghiroli¹

2014

The Journal of Legislative Studies

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The euro crisis is increasingly affecting the political debate in the European Union. Exogenously determined power shifts and institutional changes have been imposed on a number of member states. These measures and the direct intervention of external stakeholders in the key realms of domestic politics pose a serious challenge to both the EU's cohesiveness and its democratic nature. This study looks at how the voting dynamics and the government/opposition-like alignments in the European Parliament are affected by the ongoing crisis. It highlights the balance of partisan and nationally driven factors behind legislators' choices related to the management of the crisis. To capture the impact of the crisis-related debate on the actors' cohesiveness and alignments, two sets of vote-based analyses are conducted. This analysis proves that the main determinant of legislators' alignments in crisis-related debates is membership of the eurozone, while the explanatory potential of factors such as ideology and partisanship appears residual.

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Executive Selection in the European Union: Does the Commission President Investiture Procedure Reduce the Democratic Deficit?

Cited by 17 publications

References 142 publications

Evaluating Devolution in Wales

Evaluating Devolution in Wales

The European Parliament and the Commission Crisis: A New Assertiveness?

An Emerging Divide? Assessing the Impact of the Euro Crisis on the Voting Alignments of the European Parliament

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