Explaining Revolutions in the Contemporary Third World

Goodwin, Jeffrey; Skocpol, Theda

doi:10.1177/003232928901700403

Cited by 219 publications

(36 citation statements)

References 9 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Unclassified

Order By: Relevance

“…Excessive government responses to terrorism may also cause individuals who would otherwise support the government to offer support to rebels instead (Goodwin and Skocpol , 493). Kalyvas and Kocher () show that in irregular wars, where both sides employ violence against civilians, individuals will be more likely to comply with actors offering them the greatest chances of survival.…”

Section: Terrorism and The Power To Hurtmentioning

confidence: 99%

Rewarding Bad Behavior: How Governments Respond to Terrorism in Civil War

Thomas

2014

American J Political Sci

124

113

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Although violent organizations often use terrorism as a means to achieve political aims, recent studies suggest the tactic is ineffective because it fails to help groups gain concessions. While focused exclusively on concessions, these studies overlook other important markers of success, specifically whether groups are invited to participate in negotiations as a result of their use of terrorism. Extant studies also conduct statistical analyses on overly aggregated data, masking any effect terrorism has on important bargaining outcomes. Using new monthly data on the incidence of negotiations and the number of concessions offered to groups involved in African civil wars, this paper demonstrates that rebel groups are both more likely to be granted the opportunity to participate in negotiations and offered more concessions when they execute a greater number of terror attacks during civil wars.

show abstract

Section: Terrorism and The Power To Hurtmentioning

confidence: 99%

Rewarding Bad Behavior: How Governments Respond to Terrorism in Civil War

Thomas

2014

American J Political Sci

124

113

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…But arriving at a cooperative arrangement in which civilians offer support to fighting units and soldiers desist from abuse is sometimes difficult. Much scholarly attention has focused on the collective action problems inherent in the decision to participate as an insurgent (Lichbach 1995;Olson 1965;Popkin 1979) or to provide support to a rebellion (Goodwin and Skocpol 1989;Kuran 1989;Skocpol 1982). These collective-action problems may impede a group's ability to solicit voluntary contributions.…”

Section: Theories Of Civilian Abusementioning

confidence: 99%

Handling and Manhandling Civilians in Civil War

2006

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

T he toll of civil conflict is largely borne by civilian populations, as warring factions target noncombatants through campaigns of violence. But significant variation exists in the extent to which warring groups abuse the civilian population: across conflicts, across groups, and within countries geographically and over time. Using a new dataset on fighting groups in Sierra Leone, this article analyzes the determinants of the tactics, strategies, and behaviors that warring factions employ in their relationships with noncombatants. We first describe a simple logic of extraction which we use to generate hypotheses about variation in levels of abuse across fighting units. We then show that the most important determinants of civilian abuse are internal to the structure of the faction. High levels of abuse are exhibited by warring factions that are unable to police the behavior of their members because they are more ethnically fragmented, rely on material incentives to recruit participants, and lack mechanisms for punishing indiscipline. Explanations that emphasize the importance of local community ties and contestation do not find strong support in the data.

show abstract

“…437, 442). This view has been seconded ably and refined further by Jeff Goodwin and Theda Skocpol (1989) and by Timothy Wickham-Crowley (1989a, 1989b. The latter author suggests that Che Guevara may be credited with the thesis that "guerrillas should never try to unseat elected governments," advice that he ignored fatally in Bolivia in 1967.…”

Section: Deepening the Third Generation: Recent Work On The State Andmentioning

confidence: 89%

Theories of Revolution Revisited: Toward a Fourth Generation?

Foran¹

1993

Sociological Theory

113

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.. American Sociological Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Sociological Theory.Recent developments in sociological theorizing about revolution are surveyed, critiqued, and evaluated in terms of an emerging new paradigm. The first section assesses the strengths and weaknesses of 1970s theorizing by Tilly, Paige, and Skocpol. A second section takes up themes of state and crisis from 1980s work deepening this tradition. A third section identifies and discusses recent work in new areas critical of the structuralists, on agency, social structure, and culture. Finally, the shape of a new paradigm based on conjunctural modeling of economic, political, and cultural processes is suggested with a discussion of Walton and of very recent work by Farhi, Foran, and Goldstone. Since the publication of Theda Skocpol's landmark States and Social Revolutions in therevolutionarily auspicious year 1979, both the literature on the subject and the empirical range of the phenomenon itself have expanded enormously. To cite only the most dramatic events, the last dozen years have witnessed social revolutions in Iran and Nicaragua, watershed political transformations throughout eastern Europe, a valiant attempt at a movement for democratic change in China, and, in spring 1991, the armed overthrow of the Marxist government of Ethiopia. Under the impact of these events-particularly in Iran and Central America-scholars have begun to refine older arguments and to generate new insights and approaches to the understanding of revolution. The purpose of the present essay is to map the coordinates of this recent thinking on the subject, and to argue that the first signs of a new school may be appearing on the intellectual horizon. THE THIRD GENERATION: BREAKTHROUGHS AND LIMITSIn two influential review essays from the early 1980s, Jack Goldstone (1980, 1982) attempted to survey the state of the art in the sociology of revolution. He identified three "generations" of theorists: 1) a "natural history of revolutions" school led by comparative historians Lyford P. Edwards ([1927] 1972), George Sawyer Pettee (1938), and Crane Brinton (1938); 2) a second generation of "general theories" of revolution in the 1950s and 1960s, embodied in the work of modernization and structural functionalist theorists such as James C. Davies (1962), Neil Smelser (1963), Chalmers Johnson (1966), Samuel P. Huntington (1968) and Ted Robert Gurr (1970); and 3) in the 1970s, a new generation of structural models of revolution by Jeffery Paige (1975), Charles Tilly (1978), and Theda Skocpol (1979), which built on the work of Barrington Moore Jr. (1966) and Eric Wolf (1969).1 The strengths and wea...

show abstract

Explaining Revolutions in the Contemporary Third World

Cited by 219 publications

References 9 publications

Rewarding Bad Behavior: How Governments Respond to Terrorism in Civil War

Rewarding Bad Behavior: How Governments Respond to Terrorism in Civil War

Handling and Manhandling Civilians in Civil War

Theories of Revolution Revisited: Toward a Fourth Generation?

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About