Explaining the Electoral Performance of Populist Parties: The Netherlands as a Case Study

Kessel, Stijn van

doi:10.1080/15705854.2011.546148

Cited by 60 publications

(36 citation statements)

References 34 publications

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“…It could be expected that other macro variables, such as particular kinds of migration (Hainmueller & Hiscox, 2007), the media (Boomgaarden & Vliegenthart, 2007), parties themselves (Van Kessel, 2011), and political opportunity structures are of importance as well. Future studies might well want to incorporate such variables in their models.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Paradox of Well-being: Do Unfavorable Socioeconomic and Sociocultural Contexts Deepen or Dampen Radical Left and Right Voting Among the Less Well-Off?

Rooduijn

Burgoon

2017

Comparative Political Studies

117

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Radical left and right parties are increasingly successful-particularly among the less well-off. We assess the extent to which this negative effect of wellbeing on radical voting is moderated by contextual factors. Our study suggests that less well-off citizens vote for radical parties mainly under favorable aggregate-level circumstances. We distinguish two possible mechanisms underlying this effect-relative deprivation and risk aversion-and find support for relative deprivation only among radical right voters and for risk aversion for both types of radical voters, yet with predictable differences between the radical left and right supporter bases. Economic hardship leads to radical right voting when the socioeconomic circumstances are favorable and to radical left voting when net migration is modest. Our findings suggest a genuine paradox of radicalism: individual economic suffering might foster

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Paradox of Well-being: Do Unfavorable Socioeconomic and Sociocultural Contexts Deepen or Dampen Radical Left and Right Voting Among the Less Well-Off?

Rooduijn

Burgoon

2017

Comparative Political Studies

117

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“…Van Kessel 2011). Populist parties are known for their articulation of distrust in the political establishment (Canovan 1999).…”

Section: Political Cynicismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Framing blame: toward a better understanding of the effects of populist communication on populist party preferences

Hameleers

Bos

Vreese

2017

Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties

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“…I included the following parties: the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (Freedom Party of Austria) in Austria (see Heinisch, 2008); the Vlaams Blok/Vlaams Belang (Flemish Block/Flemish Interest) (see Pauwels, 2011a) and Lijst Dedecker/Libertair, Direct, Democratisch (List Dedecker/Libertarian, Direct, Democratic, LDD) (see Pauwels, 2010) in Belgium; the Schweizerische Volkspartei (Swiss People's Party) in Switzerland (see Albertazzi, 2008); Die Linke in Germany (see March, 2007); the Dansk Folkeparti (Danish People's Party) in Denmark (see Rydgren, 2004); Perussuomalaiset (the Finns Party) in Finland (see Arter, 2010); the FN in France (see Surel, 2002); Forza Italia (Go Italy, FI) (see Tarchi, 2008) and M5S (see Fella and Ruzza, 2013) in Italy; the Lijst Pim Fortuyn (List Pim Fortuyn) (see Van Kessel, 2011), the Socialistische Partij (Socialist Party, SP) (see March, 2011) and the PVV (Vossen, 2011) in the Netherlands; the Fremskrittspartiet (Progress Party) in Norway (see Jupskas, 2015); and Sverigedemokraterna (Sweden Democrats) in Sweden (see Jungar, 2015). 5 A large majority of these parties can be categorized as populist radical right parties.…”

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confidence: 99%

What unites the voter bases of populist parties? Comparing the electorates of 15 populist parties

Rooduijn

2017

Eur. Pol. Sci. Rev.

324

252

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Various scholars have argued and demonstrated that Western European populist parties have something in common. Although these parties adhere to various ideologies and employ different organizational forms and political styles, they all endorse a similar set of ideas concerning the relationship between the people and the elite. Yet despite our increasing knowledge about these parties, so far we know only very little about populist voters. Do the voter bases of populist parties also have something in common? To answer that question, I focus on the electorates of 15 prototypical populist parties from 11 Western European countries. I show that, in contrast with widely held beliefs, the electorates of populist parties do not always consist of individuals who are more likely to be 'losers of globalization' with Eurosceptic attitudes, low levels of political trust, and preferences for (more) direct democracy. This suggests that 'the' populist voter does not exist.

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Explaining the Electoral Performance of Populist Parties: The Netherlands as a Case Study

Cited by 60 publications

References 34 publications

The Paradox of Well-being: Do Unfavorable Socioeconomic and Sociocultural Contexts Deepen or Dampen Radical Left and Right Voting Among the Less Well-Off?

The Paradox of Well-being: Do Unfavorable Socioeconomic and Sociocultural Contexts Deepen or Dampen Radical Left and Right Voting Among the Less Well-Off?

Framing blame: toward a better understanding of the effects of populist communication on populist party preferences

What unites the voter bases of populist parties? Comparing the electorates of 15 populist parties

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