Factionalism and Chinese-style democracy: the 2017 Hong Kong Chief Executive election

Lo, Sonny Shiu-Hing

doi:10.1080/23276665.2017.1325620

Cited by 8 publications

(6 citation statements)

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“…In a similar vein, the tension between Beijing's visions of democracy as democratic centralism (Tai, 2018, p. 152;Lo, 2017) and pan-democrats' vision of democracy as "civic nomination' proved to be the largest stumbling block for implementing 2015 political reforms. From the pan-democrats" perspective, a "genuine" universal suffrage must satisfy the international standards on universal suffrage provided under Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights applicable to Hong Kong through Article 39 of the Basic Law.…”

Section: Clashing Visions Of Democracy After 1997(i): Npcsc's Interpretation Of the Basic Lawmentioning

confidence: 99%

The political predicament of the pan-democrats in Hong Kong under Chinese rule

Lau¹

2019

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to make sense of the slow and frustrating process of democratization in Hong Kong through understanding the pan-democrats’ struggle for realizing universal suffrage. It aims to offer possible explanations for the current political impasse between Hong Kong and mainland China over the issue of universal suffrage. Design/methodology/approach This paper seeks to construct a triangular model of institutional constraint, clashing visions of democracy and mutual political distrust for understanding the pan-democrats’ struggle for realizing universal suffrage in Hong Kong since the 1980s, the nature of current political predicament they found themselves in and the current political impasse between the pan-democrats and Beijing. Findings The dilemma facing Hong Kong’s pan-democrats and Beijing’s leadership is attributed to the institutional constraints of Basic Law on Hong Kong’s system of governance, the clashing visions of Beijing-led Chinese-style democracy and Western-style liberal democracy as advocated by the pan-democrats and the mutual political distrust between the two parties. The findings suggest that this triangular model will remain relevant in understanding the political predicament of the pan-democrats under Chinese rule and the political impasse between Hong Kong and mainland China over universal suffrage for the coming decades. Originality/value This paper provides a new interpretation of the current political impasse between Hong Kong and mainland China over the issue of universal suffrage. It offers new insights into the nature of current political predicament the pan-democrats found themselves in amidst their fight for realizing universal suffrage since the 1980s by constructing a triangular model of institutional constraints, clashing visions of democracy and mutual political distrust.

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Section: Clashing Visions Of Democracy After 1997(i): Npcsc's Interpretation Of the Basic Lawmentioning

confidence: 99%

The political predicament of the pan-democrats in Hong Kong under Chinese rule

Lau¹

2019

AEDS

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“…In the political arena, since the rejection of the National People’s Congress framework for the nomination and election methods of Chief Executives in 2015, there has been a deadlock between the pro-Beijing and pro-establishment camp on the one hand, and the pro-democracy camp on the other hand. Lo (2017) argues that factionalism in Hong Kong equates to having different political forces compete for political influence and power, especially between these two camps. Members of the pro-Beijing and pro-establishment camp align themselves politically with the Chinese Government and the Chinese Communist Party.…”

Section: Political Context Of the Hong Kong Sarmentioning

confidence: 99%

Nationalistic education in the Hong Kong and the Macao SARs of China

Chong

2018

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to compare and analyse the role and implementation of nationalistic education in Hong Kong and Macau special administrative regions (SARs) since their respective handover of sovereignty to China in the late 1990s. Both SARs face the educational need to cultivate a Chinese national identification among the students after the sovereignty changes. While Macau SAR has enjoyed a relatively smooth implementation of nationalistic education towards which Macau’s schools and students are largely receptive to nationalistic programmes since its handover in 1999, Hong Kong SAR Government’s nationalistic education was met by reservation from some parents, students and civil society’s groups under allegations of “political indoctrination” and “brain-washing”. The Hong Kong civil society’s resistance to National Education culminated in the anti-Moral and National Education protest in Summer 2012 and then Hong Kong schools and society. This paper attempts to provide an overview and analysis on the development of nationalistic education in both Hong Kong and Macao SARs, and to give some possible explanations on the factors that lead to differences of perceiving and responding to the nationalistic education between both places. Design/methodology/approach After conducting a literature review, this study utilises different sources of data such as curriculum guidelines, previous studies and other scholarly findings in examining the development of civic education and national education policy in both SAR societies, as well as in discussing the possible developments of nationalistic education in both SARs by making references to previous studies of citizenship and nationalistic education. Findings This study found out that different relationships between the two SAR Governments and their respective civil society, the extent of established socio-political linkages with China, as well as the introduction of a core subject of Liberal Studies in Hong Kong secondary schools, which emphasises on multiple perspectives and critical thinking skills, are some plausible factors that explain different stories and developments of implementing nationalistic education in Hong Kong and Macao SARs. Research limitations/implications For giving suggestions for a nationalistic education in both Chinese SARs, first, there should be an exploration of multiple citizenship identities. This will allow people to choose their identities and thus facilitate their belongingness in terms of local, national and global dimensions. In addition, there should be an exploration of a Chinese national identification with different emphases such as knowledge orientation and critical thinking so as to cater for youth values. Promoting the idea of an informed and reasonable-in-thinking patriot could also be a way to ease the concern that building a national identity negates a person’s freedom of thinking. Originality/value This paper attempts to compare and analyse the different responses to the same policy of enhancing nationalistic education development in both Hong Kong and Macao SARs of China. Some plausible explanations were given based on political, social and educational factors, as well as youth value oritentations. This paper would be an attempt to show that a top-down single-minded orientated nationalistic education may not work well a society such as Hong Kong, where civil society and youth values are quite different than that can be found in China.

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“…At the end of the nomination round, Tsang secured 160 nominations (80% were from the Democrats 300+) and became the only candidate to receive nominations from both the democratic and pro-government camps, Woo received 180 democratic nominations, and Lam received 579, all of which were from the proestablishment faction; Ip, on the other hand, failed to secure enough nominations to qualify for candidacy. 52 Even at the nomination stage, the candidates' number of nomination did not reflect their extent of popularity in society.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…51 The police attempted to remove the occupiers and arrested 13 people, including Joshua Wong, which led to more participants joining the movement 48 50 Chan, "Occupying Hong Kong", http://sur.conectas.org/en/occupying-hong-kong/ 51 in support of the student protestors. 52 On September 28, Benny Tai announced that the OCLP, now Occupy Admiralty (where the government headquarters is situated) rather than Central, would begin ahead of its scheduled date on October 1. This led to an outcry among many students who thought Tai "hijacked" http://www.bbc.com/zhongwen/trad/china/2014/09/140927_hongkong_students_arrests.…”

Section: IIImentioning

confidence: 99%

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"From the Battle for Democracy to the Battle for Hong Kong": John Tsang and the Rise of Localism

Luk¹

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The July 1 st Protest in 2003 V. Hong Kong's Cultural Identity i. The Interrogation of Hong Kong's Colonial History ii. The Interrogation of Capitalism and Development iii. The Interrogation of Chinese Nationalism VI. Conclusion Chapter Two: Creating the "Self" in "Self-Determination": The Umbrella Movement as a Localist Movement 47 I. Introduction II. China's Authority over Hong Kong III. The Failure of Traditional Democratic Movements IV. The Umbrella Movement i. The Occupy Central with Love and Peace Movement ii. Student Mobilization V. Conclusion Chapter Three: Uncertainties of the post-Umbrella Age 75 Chapter Four: John Tsang: An Unlikely Spokesperson for Hong Kong 110 I. Introduction 110 II. Entrenched Political Polarization in Hong Kong 113 III. The Chief Executive's Difficulties 120 A big thank you to Yao for reading my drafts-I really appreciate your help. Thank you also to friends from Hong Kong at Wesleyan and back home for your heartening words of encouragement. And finally, thank you mom for always being there and your willingness to sit through all my pointless and sometimes impassioned rants; dad, for your validation and hard work that I do not express enough appreciation for; and Leo, for being an example of ambition and strength even as you negotiate through times of adversity.

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Factionalism and Chinese-style democracy: the 2017 Hong Kong Chief Executive election

Cited by 8 publications

References 9 publications

The political predicament of the pan-democrats in Hong Kong under Chinese rule

The political predicament of the pan-democrats in Hong Kong under Chinese rule

Nationalistic education in the Hong Kong and the Macao SARs of China

"From the Battle for Democracy to the Battle for Hong Kong": John Tsang and the Rise of Localism

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