“…These consonants result from a fusion of /r/ with a following coronal consonant /t, s, d, n, l/ (Riad, 2014). Figure 2.The long and short vowels of central standard Swedish (Engstrand 1999:140–142).Figure 3.The Swedish long vowel systems of older and younger speakers from the SweDia 2000 project (plotted using data from Leinonen, 2010:165).…”
Section: Variation In Swedish Vowelsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The Swedish long vowel systems of older and younger speakers from the SweDia 2000 project (plotted using data from Leinonen, 2010:165).…”
Section: Variation In Swedish Vowelsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Unlike previous work considering adolescents with a foreign background, in this paper we focus on a feature of Swedish that has only recently been reported as an ongoing change in the dialect areas outside Gothenburg and Stockholm (Leinonen, 2010). Standard descriptions of Swedish identify a prerhotic allophone [æ:] of the vowel phoneme /ε:/ (Riad, 2014; see section, ‘The Swedish vowel system’ for further details).…”
Previous studies of language contact in multilingual urban neighborhoods in Europe claim the emergence of new varieties spoken by immigrant-background youth. This paper examines the sociolinguistic conditioning of variation in allophones of Swedish /ε:/ of young people of immigrant and nonimmigrant background in Stockholm and Gothenburg. Although speaker background and sex condition the variation, their effects differ in each city. In Stockholm there are no significant social differences and the allophonic difference appears to have been neutralized. Gothenburg speakers are divided into three groups, based on speaker origin and sex, each of which orients toward different norms. Our conclusions appeal to dialectal diffusion and the desire to mark ethnic identity in a diverse sociolinguistic context. These results demonstrate that not only language contact but also dialect change should be considered together when investigating language variation in modern-day cities.
“…These consonants result from a fusion of /r/ with a following coronal consonant /t, s, d, n, l/ (Riad, 2014). Figure 2.The long and short vowels of central standard Swedish (Engstrand 1999:140–142).Figure 3.The Swedish long vowel systems of older and younger speakers from the SweDia 2000 project (plotted using data from Leinonen, 2010:165).…”
Section: Variation In Swedish Vowelsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The Swedish long vowel systems of older and younger speakers from the SweDia 2000 project (plotted using data from Leinonen, 2010:165).…”
Section: Variation In Swedish Vowelsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Unlike previous work considering adolescents with a foreign background, in this paper we focus on a feature of Swedish that has only recently been reported as an ongoing change in the dialect areas outside Gothenburg and Stockholm (Leinonen, 2010). Standard descriptions of Swedish identify a prerhotic allophone [æ:] of the vowel phoneme /ε:/ (Riad, 2014; see section, ‘The Swedish vowel system’ for further details).…”
Previous studies of language contact in multilingual urban neighborhoods in Europe claim the emergence of new varieties spoken by immigrant-background youth. This paper examines the sociolinguistic conditioning of variation in allophones of Swedish /ε:/ of young people of immigrant and nonimmigrant background in Stockholm and Gothenburg. Although speaker background and sex condition the variation, their effects differ in each city. In Stockholm there are no significant social differences and the allophonic difference appears to have been neutralized. Gothenburg speakers are divided into three groups, based on speaker origin and sex, each of which orients toward different norms. Our conclusions appeal to dialectal diffusion and the desire to mark ethnic identity in a diverse sociolinguistic context. These results demonstrate that not only language contact but also dialect change should be considered together when investigating language variation in modern-day cities.
“…Of course there are some exceptions in which (for example) the diachronic perspective is taken into account [12], [13], or age and gender are considered as covariates [14], but to our knowledge no dialectometric study has attempted to model the effects of multiple geographic and social variables simultaneously.…”
In this study we examine linguistic variation and its dependence on both social and geographic factors. We follow dialectometry in applying a quantitative methodology and focusing on dialect distances, and social dialectology in the choice of factors we examine in building a model to predict word pronunciation distances from the standard Dutch language to 424 Dutch dialects. We combine linear mixed-effects regression modeling with generalized additive modeling to predict the pronunciation distance of 559 words. Although geographical position is the dominant predictor, several other factors emerged as significant. The model predicts a greater distance from the standard for smaller communities, for communities with a higher average age, for nouns (as contrasted with verbs and adjectives), for more frequent words, and for words with relatively many vowels. The impact of the demographic variables, however, varied from word to word. For a majority of words, larger, richer and younger communities are moving towards the standard. For a smaller minority of words, larger, richer and younger communities emerge as driving a change away from the standard. Similarly, the strength of the effects of word frequency and word category varied geographically. The peripheral areas of the Netherlands showed a greater distance from the standard for nouns (as opposed to verbs and adjectives) as well as for high-frequency words, compared to the more central areas. Our findings indicate that changes in pronunciation have been spreading (in particular for low-frequency words) from the Hollandic center of economic power to the peripheral areas of the country, meeting resistance that is stronger wherever, for well-documented historical reasons, the political influence of Holland was reduced. Our results are also consistent with the theory of lexical diffusion, in that distances from the Hollandic norm vary systematically and predictably on a word by word basis.
“…Elert 1989). Finally, features that seem to be part of an ongoing change in the Swedish vowel system are the opening of /æː/ and /œː/, as well as [œ] > [ɵ] (Leinonen 2010a, b; Wenner 2010).…”
The traditional dialects of Sweden are changing. In order to investigate how these changes may be proceeding, the use of traditional dialect and new linguistic features have been analyzed in three separate dialect areas: Inland West Sweden, Coastal West Sweden and Torsby in Northern Värmland. The focus is on how much of the traditional dialect used in the mid-20th century is still in use in each location, and what is replacing it in the process of change; this is done by analyzing speakers’ realizations of a total of 137 traditional dialect variables and 18 new variables. In some locations, dialects are leveling towards the standard, more or less rapidly. In others, there is a clear dialect shift to the urban Gothenburg variety or to the use of acombilect, which is a mix of traditional dialect variants, standard variants, new variants and urban variants. Similarities and differences between these separate processes are discussed, with special attention given to the reasons behind dialect change.
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