Family Matters? Voting Behavior in Households with Criminal Justice Contact

White, Ariel

doi:10.1017/s0003055418000862

Cited by 49 publications

(33 citation statements)

References 20 publications

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“…A large body of research in political science has documented that involuntary interactions with criminal justice institutions are politically demobilizing and dramatic moments of negative political socialization. For example, the finding that arrest and incarceration decreases voting among individuals, family members connected to the justice-involved, and communities where they reside has appeared across a range of studies, including those that measure changes in voting behavior after an arrest or conviction across multiple waves, in non-parametric analyses that match those who had been incarcerated with those who would be in the future, and in studies that use random assignment to less and more punitive judges to estimate causal effects of brief jail confinement (Burch 2013; Gerber et al 2017; Lerman and Weaver 2014a; Manza and Uggen 2008; Weaver and Lerman 2010; White 2019a; 2019b; c.f. Anoll and Israel-Trummel 2019; Walker 2014).…”

Section: A Strategy Of Community Control In the Face Of Police Oppresmentioning

confidence: 99%

Withdrawing and Drawing In: Political Discourse in Policed Communities

Weaver

Prowse

Piston

2020

J. Race Ethnicity Politics

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A growing body of literature examines how direct or vicarious contact with forms of state surveillance affects political behavior and perceptions of government legitimacy. We develop a new method, Portals, to collect conversations between black residents from highly policed areas in five different U.S. cities between 2016 and 2018. While existing research emphasizes how interactions with the carceral state are alienating and demobilizing, our analysis of these conversations identifies productive ways in which citizens respond to oppressive encounters with police. The political discourses used by Portals participants, we argue, are centered on a logic of “collective autonomy”—given police ignorance, abuses of police authority, and the little political power that residents of highly policed communities have to demand change, many conclude that power is best achieved by strategically distancing from state institutions in the short term while building community power in the long term. Crucially, articulations of collective autonomy transcend the ideological positions of participants and track closely with an ideological tradition in black politics that persists across generations and contexts of state oppression.

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Section: A Strategy Of Community Control In the Face Of Police Oppresmentioning

confidence: 99%

Withdrawing and Drawing In: Political Discourse in Policed Communities

Weaver

Prowse

Piston

2020

J. Race Ethnicity Politics

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“…Research examining the civic consequences of having a relational connection to a custodial citizen finds that the policy feedback effects of contact identified by Lerman and Weaver (2014a) spill over to those who experience the system vicariously, albeit in sometimes unexpected ways (Anoll and Israel-Trummel 2019; Mondak et al 2017; Lee, Porter, and Comfort 2014; Walker 2014; 2020). While scholars largely draw on survey data to identify people with proximal criminal legal connections, the use of administrative records to identify these same people is one of the most exciting developments in this line of inquiry (White 2018).…”

Section: How Marginalized People View the Criminal Legal Systemmentioning

confidence: 99%

No Justice, No Peace: Political Science Perspectives on the American Carceral State

Harris

Walker

Eckhouse

2020

J. Race Ethnicity Politics

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This essay explores four key dimensions of political science literature on the U.S. criminal legal system, by way of introducing articles in the special issue on criminal justice featured in the Journal of Racial and Ethnic Politics. We situate police as an institution of social control, rather than providing safety for people vulnerable to crime. The vast array of policy tools to surveil, track, and detain citizens, which lack commensurate restraints on their application, amount to a finely tuned carceral machine that can be deployed against groups newly identified as deviant. We therefore turn attention to this dynamic with our second theme: the criminalization of immigrants, the expansion of interior immigration enforcement, and the consequent targeting of Latinx people. We likewise discuss lessons for reform that can be drawn from research on representation and the political socialization that occurs as a consequence of involuntary contact with the system. We conclude with a brief discussion of directions for future research. The criminal legal system is a key force for persistent racial and class inequality. By turning attention to the politics of the criminal legal system, we forward a critical and understudied facet of American political life that intersects with all corners of the discipline.

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“…Serving even short sentences in prison or jail is also negatively associated with voter registration and voting (Bobo & Thompson, 2006). In addition, individuals that experience family member conviction or incarceration similarly experience a demobilization effect (White, 2019b). White (2016) found that experiencing familial incarceration reduced turnout by 15 percent in the following election cycle.…”

Section: Carceral Contact and Political Participationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Feeling Politics: Carceral Contact, Well‐Being, and Participation

Davis¹

2020

Policy Studies Journal

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How do criminal justice interactions affect political participation and through what mechanisms? In this new era of criminal justice expansion, the number of people who have had interactions and who will interact with the criminal justice system has increased significantly. Notwithstanding the abundant scholarship detailing the expansion of the carceral state, the subsequent increases in carceral contact, and the negative externalities of punitivity, we know little about the mechanisms that drive the observed negative political consequences. We know what is happening but not how it is happening. I argue that predacious criminal justice policies are having a negative interpretative policy feedback effect on the well‐being of those contacted. First, I find that feelings of well‐being are strongly associated with political participation. Second, using structural equation modeling, I offer evidence that carceral contact has a strong direct effect on well‐being and a strong indirect effect on political participation mediated through measures of well‐being. Twenty‐three percent of the political suppression effect is an indirect effect of carceral contact mediated through well‐being.

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Family Matters? Voting Behavior in Households with Criminal Justice Contact

Cited by 49 publications

References 20 publications

Withdrawing and Drawing In: Political Discourse in Policed Communities

Withdrawing and Drawing In: Political Discourse in Policed Communities

No Justice, No Peace: Political Science Perspectives on the American Carceral State

Feeling Politics: Carceral Contact, Well‐Being, and Participation

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