Family policies and single parent poverty in 18 OECD countries, 1978–2008

Maldonado, Laurie C.; Nieuwenhuis, Rense

doi:10.1080/13668803.2015.1080661

Cited by 159 publications

(124 citation statements)

References 37 publications

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“…In Europe, high poverty figures are also found in Spain, Germany, Estonia, the UK, and Ireland. The main foci in the research on how to tackle these extraordinary poverty figures among lone parents are either on income taxes (Brady and Burroway 2010;Heuveline et al 2003) or on transfers and family policies (Maldonado and Nieuwenhuis 2015;Van Lancker et al 2015). From both perspectives, results suggest that universal transfers are more effective for lone parents than measures targeting them as a specific group (Brady and Burroway 2010;Chzhen and Bradshaw 2012;Maldonado and Nieuwenhuis 2015).…”

Section: Povertymentioning

confidence: 91%

“…Also, inadequate payment of child support by the ex-spouse deprives lone parents of necessary sources of income (Zhan and Pandey 2004). It shows the close interrelation between labour market participation and poverty across countries (Maldonado and Nieuwenhuis 2015;Ritakallio and Bradshaw 2006). Again, life course researchers have pointed to the dynamic nature of this phenomenon.…”

Section: Povertymentioning

confidence: 99%

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Changing Lone Parents, Changing Life Courses

Bernardi

Mortelmans

Larenza

2017

Life Course Research and Social Policies

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The socio-demographic profile of lone parents has changed in the last decades. Being mostly widowed men and women or young single mothers until the 1970s, lone parents are nowadays mostly divorced and separated parents, even though they are still by and large mothers rather than fathers. As a consequence, the experience of lone parenthood has also dramatically changed. Less objects of pity or stigmatized with shame, lone parents and their children are more than ever bound by legal arrangements to the other parent and are caught in more dynamic family trajectories.There are at least two remarkable changes that certainly need to be addressed by research on lone parenthood: its boundaries and its diversity. Both aspects are connected and have potential implications for lone parents and their children. First, the diversity and complexity of legal and residential arrangements of parents and children make it difficult to establish the borders between a full-time and a part-time one-parent household. When child custody or parental authority are shared, can we still talk about lone parents? Children circulate more and more between two or more parental households after separation, and more than one parent may be financially and legally responsible for them. One direct consequence of such changes in the

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Section: Povertymentioning

confidence: 91%

Section: Povertymentioning

confidence: 99%

Changing Lone Parents, Changing Life Courses

Bernardi

Mortelmans

Larenza

2017

Life Course Research and Social Policies

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“…We do so by summarising empirical results presented elsewhere (Maldonado and Nieuwenhuis, 2014), based on analyses that originated to test hypotheses not primarily addressing the social investment strategy. Nevertheless, the selection of the results summarised here is relevant to the current note on social investment.…”

Section: Family Policies and Single-parent Povertymentioning

confidence: 99%

Prepare versus Repair? Combining parental leave and family allowances for social investment against single-parent poverty

Nieuwenhuis¹,

Maldonado²

2016

Preprint

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Social investment is an emerging paradigm for European welfare states, often described as an abandonment of tax-benefit systems with generous income ‘transfers’ in favour of ‘in-kind’ policies and services.The position of single-parent families directly relates to one of the major critiques of the social investment strategy. Despite efforts to improve employment and make work pay to prevent poverty, European welfare states have witnessed disappointing trends in poverty (Vandenbroucke and Vleminckx, 2011). Cantillon (2011) argued that social investment policies are better suited for work-rich households than work- poor households at the bottom of the income distribution. is critique begs the empirical question whether a transition to ‘in kind’ social investment policies can be sufficiently effective in improving employment to protect households against poverty, or that reducing transfers has rendered tax-benefit systems inadequate (cf. Nelson, 2011). We examine this in this article, focusing on family policies. Specifically, we assess whether social investment (reconciliation policies) is a more effective strategy than social protection (family allowances) for single-parent families.

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“…Furthermore, sociological understandings of family dynamics should continue to further theorize and empirically assess the role played by the State in the configuration of family structures and their different living standards (e.g. Pilkauskas and Michelmore (2019) and Maldonado and Nieuwenhuis (2015)). For example, housing/dwelling urban planning policies to develop suburbs or gated communities for middle class families, strongly contrast with the construction of large urban housing projects for low income families.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Family structure effects on U.S. children’s well-being? Re-examining the family instability hypothesis

Sánchez¹

2019

Preprint

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Previous studies have shown that children who grow up in marriage-based twoparent families fare better in terms of their well-being than children who do not. Other researchers have instead argued that these negative effects are confounded by the children's parents characteristics affecting selection into specific family structure trajectories, which likewise affect the children's well-being. However, researchers have been unable to account for the complex and dynamic relation between the socioeconomic conditions of individuals and their trajectories of family formation and dissolution.Here I argue that even when researchers account for selection based on observable background characteristics, the negative effect of changes in family structure experienced during childhood on children's well-being may be biased. Exposure-confounder feedback bias may be present in this association in the form of time-varying confounders such as socioeconomic conditions which affect family transitions and are affected by them dynamically. Data from the Fragile Families and Child Well-being Study is used to empirically show this is the case. Family instability is here considered as a timevarying exposure. Estimations of effects of family transitions on multiple dimensions of children's well-being are obtained through estimation of doubly robust marginal structural models and inverse probability of treatment weighting. It is shown that most 1 of the effects of family instability are negative with a few noticeable exceptions. But more importantly, the paper shows that the size of these negative effects can be substantially reduced after partially accounting for an idiosyncratic selection of baseline background confounders and exposure-confounder feedback mechanisms. A discussion of these findings, as they relate to the association between socioeconomic conditions and contemporary family dynamics in the U.S., ensues.

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Family policies and single parent poverty in 18 OECD countries, 1978–2008

Cited by 159 publications

References 37 publications

Changing Lone Parents, Changing Life Courses

Changing Lone Parents, Changing Life Courses

Prepare versus Repair? Combining parental leave and family allowances for social investment against single-parent poverty

Family structure effects on U.S. children’s well-being? Re-examining the family instability hypothesis

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