Feature Inheritance, vP Phases and the Information Structure of Small Clauses

Jiménez-Fernández, Ángel L.; Spyropoulos, Vassilios

doi:10.1111/stul.12013

Cited by 34 publications

(19 citation statements)

References 62 publications

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“…We needed a configuration in which a noun intervenes between the source and target of agreement, and in which all of the agreeing elements inflect for both gender and number. Such a configuration is observed in argument small clauses such as the one below: We rely on the existing syntactic analysis of such small clauses (Contreras, 1987;Jiménez-Fernández and Spyropoulos, 2013), and assume that they have the following structure, representing (13) This is the precisely the configuration which would allow us to investigate agreement errors and attraction by systematically manipulating the features of the two nouns and the adjective; schematically it can be represented as follows: (17) (subject) verb NP1 prep NP2 adv ADJ . .…”

Section: Designmentioning

confidence: 99%

The differential representation of number and gender in Spanish

Fuchs

Polinsky

Scontras

2015

The Linguistic Review

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This paper investigates the geometry of phi-features with a special emphasis on number and gender in Spanish. We address (i) whether number and gender evidence single-or multi-valued systems for their respective features, and (ii) whether number and gender are bundled together or split. Given the lack of consensus on these issues based on primary data, we approach these questions experimentally, using the phenomenon of agreement attraction: a situation in which ungrammatical sequences are perceived as grammatical when one of the NPs is erroneously identified as determining agreement. Our results indicate that number but not gender in Spanish is multi-valued and o er novel support in favor of an agreement model in which number and gender are in separte projections and are valued independently. We also o er some considerations concerning parametric variation in such valuation.

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Section: Designmentioning

confidence: 99%

The differential representation of number and gender in Spanish

Fuchs

Polinsky

Scontras

2015

The Linguistic Review

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“…Both discourse and phi‐features may engage in an Agree operation to allow different DepP rearrangements to surface within the vP via A‐movement. If this argument is on the right track, SA offers further support to the feature inheritance approach of discourse that has been recently advanced in Jiménez‐Fernández and Spyropoulos (). SA then is a species of discourse‐agreement prominent language.…”

Section: The Depictive Construction As An Information Structurementioning

confidence: 74%

“…In SA, it should be the case that the YP topic move into the highest position (e.g., Spec.TopP) in the information structure that belongs to the same phase. I will suggest, following Miyagawa () and Jiménez‐Fernández and Spyropoulos (), that the different DepP rearrangements detected in the SA depictive structure is explainable in terms of the discourse featural content of the vP structure. Assume that A‐movement is an EPP‐motivated operation that depends on agreement/ feature checking (Chomsky , 2001; Landau ).…”

Section: The Depictive Construction As An Information Structurementioning

confidence: 91%

“…The intended analysis will address the question of why the depictive secondary predicate construction in (2) is to be constrained in terms of the SCDSP with the consequence of having different word order permutations that depends on the specificity status of the DP controller . We will focus on the theoretical implications for the recent syntactic investigations that take discourse‐featural specifications as syntactic computational primitives which interact with Agree and Move in the narrow syntax under the strict CP‐vP structural parallelism view (Miyagawa , Jiménez‐Fernández & Spyropoulos ; and related work). The following section will be dedicated to re‐formalize the working prescriptive assumptions discussed in this section and put them in the context of a more descriptive, minimalist‐based theoretical agendum.…”

Section: Depictive Secondary Predication In Samentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The pattern in (2) has clear theoretical implications for a syntactic model that takes discourse featural specification as a computational notion which interacts with agreement and movement in the narrow‐syntax (Miyagawa ; Jiménez‐Fernández & Spyropoulos, ). More specifically, I will argue that (2) offers empirical support to the claim that there is structural parallelism between CP and vP in that these two phases involve a feature inheritance mechanism in which the phase head (i.e., be it C or v) transfers unchecked phi‐, Case and discourse features into the head of its complement (i.e., the T and V, respectively) .…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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On Discourse Features Inheritance in thevPInformation Structure: Evidence from Depictive Secondary Predication in Standard Arabic

Helal

2018

Studia Linguistica

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In this paper, I present an argument based on empirical data from depictive secondary predication in Standard Arabic (SA) for the assumption that the light v is merged with discourse features that V inherits at some point of derivation (Miyagawa 2010; Jimenez Fernandez & Spyropoulos 2013). The depictive structure in SA exhibits different word order permutations that correspond to the discourse properties of the structure. As such, SA manifests itself as a discourse‐agreement language with discourse and phi‐agreement features on the phase head (e.g., C or v) being transferred into relevant heads of phase complements (e.g., T or V). Such an environment triggers the different rearrangements of the depictive phrase within the vP under Last Resort. To enable movement out of the non‐subcategorized structure of the adjunct small clause, I employ a sideward movement strategy (Nunes 1995, 2001, 2004) to derive the pattern in question.1

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A feature-inheritance approach to root phenomena and parametric variation

Jiménez-Fernández

Miyagawa

2014

Lingua

Self Cite

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Please check your proof carefully and mark all corrections at the appropriate place in the proof (e.g., by using on-screen annotation in the PDF file) or compile them in a separate list. Note: if you opt to annotate the file with software other than Adobe Reader then please also highlight the appropriate place in the PDF file. To ensure fast publication of your paper please return your corrections within 48 hours.For correction or revision of any artwork, please consult http://www.elsevier.com/artworkinstructions.Any queries or remarks that have arisen during the processing of your manuscript are listed below and highlighted by flags in the proof. Click on the 'Q' link to go to the location in the proof. Location inQuery / Remark: click on the Q link to go article Please insert your reply or correction at the corresponding line in the proof Reference(s) given here were noted in the reference list but are missing from the text -please position each reference in the text or delete it from the list. Section 7 is mentioned in the text, but as such there is no section. Please check. Q5Uncited references: This section comprises references that occur in the reference list but not in the body of the text. Please position each reference in the text or, alternatively, delete it. Any reference not dealt with will be retained in this section. Q6Please supply the name of the city of publication for references ' Belletti (1990) Japanese, and Spanish. We claim that this fronting is in principle compatible with all types of embedded clauses regardless of whether the 11 selecting predicate is factive/non-factive, or whether the selected proposition is asserted/non-asserted. Languages vary on how freely 12 they allow topic preposing in various types of complements. Adapting an intervention account of RTs in which an event operator moving to 13Spec,CP intervenes with other types of operations, we claim that two A 0 -movements compete for the same syntactic position in certain 14 types of clauses. We account for the variation in the distribution of RTs and non-RTs across languages by the options made possible by 15 inheritance of discourse features. In Japanese and Spanish, the topic feature may be inherited by T from C, so that some instances of 16 topic fronting are to Spec,TP. This movement does not compete with the operator that has moved to Spec,CP, so no competition arises. In 17 contrast, the topic feature stays in C in English, so that topic fronting and the operator movement to CP vie for the same position. This then 18 triggers a competition effect in many constructions such as factives where operator movement has occurred. 19

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Feature Inheritance, vP Phases and the Information Structure of Small Clauses

Cited by 34 publications

References 62 publications

The differential representation of number and gender in Spanish

The differential representation of number and gender in Spanish

On Discourse Features Inheritance in thevPInformation Structure: Evidence from Depictive Secondary Predication in Standard Arabic

A feature-inheritance approach to root phenomena and parametric variation

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