Federalism, Nationalism, and Reason

Trudeau, Pierre Elliott

doi:10.3138/9781442653320-005

Cited by 5 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…On the one hand, federalism is frequently considered antithetical to the nationalist ideal of a united people governed by its own state (e.g., Trudeau 1968); therefore, less nationalism should be found in countries with federal systems. On the other hand, consistent with the view of nationalism as a top-down, state-led phenomenon, federal states may be expected to engage in more nationalist mythmaking than unitary states to counteract the centrifugal effects of regionalization.…”

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confidence: 99%

Diversionary Nationalism: Economic Inequality and the Formation of National Pride

Solt

2011

The Journal of Politics

111

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Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen:Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden.Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen.Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. Abstract What accounts for differences in the extent of nationalist sentiments across countries and over time? One prominent argument is that greater economic inequality prompts states to generate more nationalism as a diversion that discourages their citizens from recognizing economic inequality and mobilizing against it. This article provides a first empirical test of this theory against rival explanations based on international conflict and the development of new nations using survey data on national pride in the advanced democracies over two decades, data on economic inequality from the Luxembourg Income Study, and data on international conflict from the Correlates of War project. Only the diversionary theory of nationalism is supported. This conclusion is an important contribution to our understanding of nationalism as well as of the effects of economic inequality on society. Terms of use: Documents in

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confidence: 99%

Diversionary Nationalism: Economic Inequality and the Formation of National Pride

Solt

2011

The Journal of Politics

111

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“…At a critical level he saw the nationalism of Quebec separatists as a kind of irrational tribalism. 59 Trudeau had reason to feel this way as he had fought against the Duplessis regime which had legitimized itself by appealing to anti-democratic sentiments and to an essentially pre-modern sense of community. At a positive level, Trudeau posits an alternate cultural vision to the separatists' idea of a politically independent cultural community.…”

Section: Trudeau's Position On the Entrenchment Of The Chartermentioning

confidence: 99%

A Disenchanted Charter? The Common Law Tradition and the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

Weber

1988

Can. j. law soc.

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The statutory entrenchment of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms marks a break with the common law practice of protecting civil liberties by means of socio-legal convention. This article argues that such a break with common law practice can be justified at a theoretical level through reference to Max Weber's liberal rationalist account of the effects of modernization on law and society and, at a practical level, points out parallels between Weber's position on modern law, the pre-entrenchment doctrine of the Supreme Court and Pierre Trudeau's advocacy of the Charter. However, the article argues that a Weberian account of modernity and law is based upon too narrow a conception of rationality to allow it to deal with the normative questions that are raised by the substantively democratic claims made by the Charter and with which the courts will have to deal in making judgements in Charter cases. The article concludes that in order for court interpretation to take the substantive sections of the Charter into account in a meaningful fashion, it will be forced to abandon what, until the entrenchment of the Charter, was a narrow, positivist interpretation of rights and democracy; and that this can be accomplished by means of a reconstruction of the democratic ethos that is nascent within the common law tradition but remains as yet undeveloped in a clear fashion.

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“…Calling for "political instruments which are sharper, stronger, and more finely controlled than anything based on mere emotionalism" (Trudeau, 1968a: 203), PET embraced cybernetics, systems theory, and broadcasting as powerful tools to not only maintain national unity, but also restore government control in a highly decentralized state. Concerned with the development of an approach to government that would be more "realist" (Breton et al, 1964), "rational" (Trudeau, 1968a), and "coolly intelligent" (Trudeau, 1996(Trudeau, [1950), as he alternately termed it, PET articulated a vision of intelligent government centered on the adoption of government structures, media, and information technologies as the main determinants of government. From one Trudeau to the next, artificial intelligence emerged, and remained, an enduring site of political investment and speculation, where the prospect of machine intelligence, centralized decision-making, and, later, Big Data came to be raised alongside that of improved government practices, motivating a wide range of targeted investments and government reforms under both administrations.…”

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confidence: 99%

States of computing: On government organization and artificial intelligence in Canada

Lepage-Richer

McKelvey

2022

Big Data & Society

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With technologies like machine learning and data analytics being deployed as privileged means to improve how contemporary bureaucracies work, many governments around the world have turned to artificial intelligence as a tool of statecraft. In that context, our paper uses Canada as a critical case to investigate the relationship between ideals of good government and good technology. We do so through not one, but two Trudeaus—celebrity Prime Minister Justin Trudeau (2015—…) and his equally famous father, former Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau (1968–1979, 1980–1984). Both shared a similar interest in new ideas and practices of both intelligent government and artificial intelligence. Influenced by Marshall McLuhan and his media theory, Pierre Elliott Trudeau deployed new communication technologies to restore centralized control in an otherwise decentralized state. Partly successful, he left his son with an informationally inclined political legacy, which decades later animated Justin Trudeau's own turn toward Big Data and artificial intelligence. Compared with one another, these two visions for both government and artificial intelligence illustrate the broader tensions between cybernetic and neoliberal approaches to government, which inform how new technologies are conceived of, and adopted, as political ones. As this article argues, Canada offers a paradigmatic case for how artificial intelligence is as much shaped by theories of government as by investments and innovations in computing research, which together delimit the contours of intelligence by defining which technical systems, people, and organizations come to be recognized as its privileged bearers.

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Federalism, Nationalism, and Reason

Cited by 5 publications

References 0 publications

Diversionary Nationalism: Economic Inequality and the Formation of National Pride

Diversionary Nationalism: Economic Inequality and the Formation of National Pride

A Disenchanted Charter? The Common Law Tradition and the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

States of computing: On government organization and artificial intelligence in Canada

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