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In recent years, women's transnational labor migration from Moldova has grown exponentially and their absence from families has provoked considerable anxiety over transformations in the social order. Few scholars of postsocialist states have explored transnational labor. Those who have focus on how new economic practices such as trading are anxiety-ridden because they index transformations from socialism to "postsocialism." These scholars have not detailed nor theorized the gendered nature of migrant labor, representations of it, and states responses to it. Using ethnographic research and interviews with Gagauz Moldovan migrant women who travel to work as domestics in Turkey and their village compatriots in Moldova, this paper illustrates a discourse of blame that employs the trope of "mothers as key to the social order," one complicated by notions of socialism, sexuality, ethnicity, work, wealth, and rurality. This trope plays a key role in blaming female migrant laborers for social disorder and in migrants' own justifications for going abroad. I argue that the migrants' gendered justifications constitute a new moral economy that aligns with global and Moldovan state neoliberal rationales. Drawing on a broad feminist and anthropological literature, this article problematizes claims about "postsocialist" transnational labor experiences by specifying them in terms of other overlapping subjectivities, particularly gender. In so doing, it shifts the anthropological gaze from a narrow focus on "postsocialism" in this region to identify problems and processes of globalization that hold wider significance and questions our categorizations of states into "postsocialist," "postwelfare," "third world," "global south," and/or "postcolonial."
In recent years, women's transnational labor migration from Moldova has grown exponentially and their absence from families has provoked considerable anxiety over transformations in the social order. Few scholars of postsocialist states have explored transnational labor. Those who have focus on how new economic practices such as trading are anxiety-ridden because they index transformations from socialism to "postsocialism." These scholars have not detailed nor theorized the gendered nature of migrant labor, representations of it, and states responses to it. Using ethnographic research and interviews with Gagauz Moldovan migrant women who travel to work as domestics in Turkey and their village compatriots in Moldova, this paper illustrates a discourse of blame that employs the trope of "mothers as key to the social order," one complicated by notions of socialism, sexuality, ethnicity, work, wealth, and rurality. This trope plays a key role in blaming female migrant laborers for social disorder and in migrants' own justifications for going abroad. I argue that the migrants' gendered justifications constitute a new moral economy that aligns with global and Moldovan state neoliberal rationales. Drawing on a broad feminist and anthropological literature, this article problematizes claims about "postsocialist" transnational labor experiences by specifying them in terms of other overlapping subjectivities, particularly gender. In so doing, it shifts the anthropological gaze from a narrow focus on "postsocialism" in this region to identify problems and processes of globalization that hold wider significance and questions our categorizations of states into "postsocialist," "postwelfare," "third world," "global south," and/or "postcolonial."
beyond a verdict of "not proven" on Right-to-Life claims to argue that the early feminists' insights about the law have lasting power. The CrusadeNineteenth-century women's rights activists encountered abortion as a public issue in the form of a well-organized movement to criminalize it, a "crusade" against abortion that arose among credentialed medical doctors. As the historian James Mohr has shown, most forms of abortion were not illegal in the early republic, and the crusaders, who organized in the 1850s under the leadership of Dr. Horatio Robinson Storer, vowed to change that. Charging that abortion had become "fearfully prevalent," the crusaders condemned the selfishness of women who wished to limit the size of their families, and some also blamed abortion on "strong-minded women." The doctors challenged the traditional view that human life began at "quickening," when the woman could feel movement. They held that quickening was insignificant and that the beginning of fetal life must be backdated to the moment of conception, which meant changing the common understanding of what constituted an abortion. 3 According to the traditional view, when a woman stopped menstruating, she might be pregnant, but she might also be ill, and because regular menstruation was thought to be crucial to good health, women could turn to an array of medications known as "emmenagogues" or other interventions to cure amenorrhea. During this period of uncertainty, women could make decisions about whether or not to proceed with possible pregnancies, and the law ignored those early, private decisions. To the extent that early nineteenth-century law had noticed abortion at all, it referred only to a "quick child"; such laws as did exist were directed toward the abortionist, often seemed designed to protect the woman, and were seldom enforced except in cases where the woman died. 4 The crusading doctors insisted that any interference with possible pregnancy, including measures taken to "restore regularity" before a woman could even be sure she was pregnant, must be recategorized as abortion-and forbidden by strong new laws.The doctors were reacting to real changes in fertility control and in medicine. Nineteenth-century America was in the midst of a rapid demographic transition that saw the average marital fertility rate drop precipitously, and couples evidently resorted to abortion as one means to limit family size. Abortion also became more visible as commercial providers of abortifacients and abortion services ran ads in the newspapers, and "Madame Restell," New York City's most prominent abortionist, flaunted her wealth with a mansion on Fifth Avenue. Doctors were also advancing their Journal of Women's History 104 Fall professional interests, as they sought control of a wide-open, unlicensed medical profession in which "regular" physicians had to contend with "irregular" competitors, including homeopaths, health reformers, midwives, and water-cure practitioners. Crusading against abortion allowed regulars to lay claim to obstetrics, ...
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