“…Culture and religion play a significant role in resilience [33]. Also, coping strategies and resilient practices vary from one region, culture, and religion, with systemic contexts impacting traditional perspectives and practices of resilience [34]. In Qatar, religion plays a significant role in well-being.…”
Many people feel vulnerable and uncertain about their future during a political crisis or political instability. Nonetheless, people may choose different coping strategies, making some more resilient and others more vulnerable to mental health issues. Added to the stress caused by these political factors is that social media has become the only source of information, including intolerance, hate speech, and bigotry. Therefore, reactive strategies to traumatic events and resiliency are essential components in addressing the affected population’s stress and mental health issues. Although much attention has been paid to the political blockade imposed on Qatar in 2017, little emphasis has been placed on its impact on the affected people’s mental health, coping strategies, and resiliency. The study explores Qatari citizens’ mental health, resilience, distress, traumatic symptoms, and coping in the context of the blockade. This study fills the knowledge gap in this area by using a mixed-method approach with 443 online surveys and 23 face-to-face interviews. Quantitative data shows women scored higher on distress than men (17.37 v 9.13, p = .009), but men scored higher on resiliency (73.63 v 68.19, p = .009). Qualitative data supported these findings. The findings will lay the foundation for clinical trials and social interventions to provide better mental health services to Qatari families directly affected by the blockade and inform mental health providers and policymakers about stress, coping strategies, and resilience during this crisis.
“…Culture and religion play a significant role in resilience [33]. Also, coping strategies and resilient practices vary from one region, culture, and religion, with systemic contexts impacting traditional perspectives and practices of resilience [34]. In Qatar, religion plays a significant role in well-being.…”
Many people feel vulnerable and uncertain about their future during a political crisis or political instability. Nonetheless, people may choose different coping strategies, making some more resilient and others more vulnerable to mental health issues. Added to the stress caused by these political factors is that social media has become the only source of information, including intolerance, hate speech, and bigotry. Therefore, reactive strategies to traumatic events and resiliency are essential components in addressing the affected population’s stress and mental health issues. Although much attention has been paid to the political blockade imposed on Qatar in 2017, little emphasis has been placed on its impact on the affected people’s mental health, coping strategies, and resiliency. The study explores Qatari citizens’ mental health, resilience, distress, traumatic symptoms, and coping in the context of the blockade. This study fills the knowledge gap in this area by using a mixed-method approach with 443 online surveys and 23 face-to-face interviews. Quantitative data shows women scored higher on distress than men (17.37 v 9.13, p = .009), but men scored higher on resiliency (73.63 v 68.19, p = .009). Qualitative data supported these findings. The findings will lay the foundation for clinical trials and social interventions to provide better mental health services to Qatari families directly affected by the blockade and inform mental health providers and policymakers about stress, coping strategies, and resilience during this crisis.
“…Policy changes entail a reconfiguration of public/private domains for religious minorities, a delineation that liberal governance relies on. Unlike the case of ‘public’ settings in France such as schools (Fernando 2014; 2019), the objections of Haredim such as Mrs Petchevsky and Mr Danzinger centre on how the state is perceived to encroach in areas that are regarded as ‘private’ – a distinction that is perceived as vital for the protection of difference. Yossi, who has been working with Haredi schools to navigate Ofsted compliance around RSE and equality requirements, noted that Haredi primary schools (ages 5‐11) could comply with regulations without venturing into LGBT content at all: You have to teach more than one religion in school, and as long as you're teaching about two different religions, you don't have to teach about all of them, because the theory is that they will have tolerance and respect for all.…”
Section: Flexing Of Moral Positionsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Anthropologists have long demonstrated how religion is regulated in ways that co‐constitute ideas of political secularism, and how regulation is premised on a separation of public/private domains that engenders intractable tensions (Agrama 2012; Asad 2003; Fernando 2014; Mahmood 2015). Secular/religious and public/private tensions have tended to be explored using the ‘Muslim problem’ in Europe, and especially France due to its national(ist) model, laïcité , which constitutes a situated negotiation of liberal governance and religion (Fernando 2014).…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Anthropologists have long demonstrated how religion is regulated in ways that co‐constitute ideas of political secularism, and how regulation is premised on a separation of public/private domains that engenders intractable tensions (Agrama 2012; Asad 2003; Fernando 2014; Mahmood 2015). Secular/religious and public/private tensions have tended to be explored using the ‘Muslim problem’ in Europe, and especially France due to its national(ist) model, laïcité , which constitutes a situated negotiation of liberal governance and religion (Fernando 2014). Mayanthi Fernando has illustrated how Muslim French increasingly reject claims they ‘are asking for the recognition of their difference’,and instead pursue a politics of ‘indifference’ where their Muslimness should be accepted as ‘an ordinary form of being French’ (2019: 266).…”
The requirement for schools in England to implement equality education has led religious conservative minorities to voice a conflict between legally protected characteristics of religion and sexual orientation. Drawing on long‐term ethnographic engagement with Jewish orthodoxies in England, the article critiques these apparent aporetic differences by tracing the grammars of protection that are fielded by custodians of state governance and religious conservativism in public disputes and how particular grammars of protection are rendered authoritative over others. The article excavates how the staging of authoritative grammars of protection by state and religious conservative actors forecloses an understanding of the subject‐positions that manoeuvre at the sidelines to integrate ways of being and protect a space for difference. Through the framing of an arm‐wrestle, the article critiques negotiations over policy and legal reform as it is grasped in social worlds, and explores how state and religious conservative actors move within the conventions of secular liberal governance to maintain their authority and stakes amidst challenges to continuity.
“…Islamic tradition-that is, historically-evolving forms of Islamic reasoning and virtue cultivation, which include theological deliberation, legal practice, didactic moral narratives, the five daily prayers, veiling, and so on-transforms and survives within the political logic and affective structures of the modern secular state (e.g., Agrama 2012;Fadil 2013;Fernando 2014;Hirschkind 2006;Jouili 2015;Lemons 2019;Mahmood 2005;Moumtaz 2021;Quadri 2021). Given the analytical clarity, ethnographic subtlety, and political urgency of this literature, the question of the relationship between tradition and secular modernity continues to be a major concern within the anthropology of Islam.…”
In Central Asia, the Soviet state had destroyed most Islamic institutions by the late 1930s, which gradually alienated millions of Soviet Muslims from the basics of Islamic theology and key Islamic practices of virtue cultivation, including the five daily prayers (namaz), Islamic ethics of dressing (like covering certain parts of the body), and certain lifestyle prescriptions (such as the avoidance of alcohol, gambling, and premarital sex). As a result, mainstream Islam in Central Asia came to revolve around the main Islamic life-cycle rites (i.e., male circumcision, the marriage ceremony, and funeral prayer) and occasional practices of uttering blessings, reciting short Qur’anic verses for the souls of the deceased, and visiting shrines, among others. Although more than thirty years have passed since the fall of the USSR, this non-observant form of Islam remains widespread in the region. Inquiring into the conceptual and affective aspects of Soviet forced secularization in Central Asia, I make two interrelated interventions into secularism studies and the anthropology of Islam. First, I theorize Soviet secularism through attending to the modern state’s aspiration to transcend and transform the particularities of lived traditions, which reveals significant overlaps between communist and liberal modes of statecraft and subject formation. Second, reflecting on a non-observant form of Islam in contemporary Kyrgyzstan, I ask: what remains of a tradition of virtue ethics when its modes of abstract reasoning and virtue cultivation have all but vanished?
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