Flawless Campaign, Fragile Victory: Voting in Canada's 2006 Federal Election

Clarke, Harold D.; Kornberg, Allan; Scotto, Thomas J.; Twyman, Joe

doi:10.1017/s1049096506060987

Cited by 11 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 4 publications

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“…In turn, holding these more right-leaning issue positions are both associated with significantly greater odds of voting Conservative, also in line with previous research (Blais et al, 2002;Clarke et al, 2006;Fournier et al, 2013;Gidengil et al, 2012): for a one-unit increase in more right-leaning attitudes toward same-sex marriage, the odds of voting Conservative over any other political party are 2 times greater. For a one-unit increase in more right-leaning attitudes toward women in the labour force, the odds of voting Conservative are 1.1 times greater.…”

Section: Resultssupporting

confidence: 88%

“…2000s, those who considered religion to be important in their lives were more likely to vote for the Conservative party, which was attributed in part to their more conservative positions on certain moral issues, such as premarital sex, traditional gender roles, abortion and same-sex marriage (Clarke et al, 2006;Fournier et al, 2013;Guth and Fraser, 2001;Gidengil et al, 2012: 37-52;Wilkins-Laflamme, 2016a). However, in the 2015 federal election, after nearly 10 years of Conservative leadership, Justin Trudeau led his Liberal party to a decisive victory, winning nearly 40 per cent of the popular vote.…”

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confidence: 99%

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Religion and Grassroots Social Conservatism in Canada

Wilkins‐Laflamme¹,

Reimer

2019

Can J Pol Sci

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With a decisive Liberal party electoral victory in 2015, observers are now wondering if religious conservatism's role in the Canadian political landscape is waning. Using data from the Canadian Election Study (CES) from the years 2004 to 2015, we find that respondents’ attitudes toward same-sex marriage and women working outside the home have moved left on the spectrum among both the general population and more religious voters. However, this does not go hand in hand with a decline in the effect strength of religiosity on the Conservative vote, which remains significant across the five federal elections examined in this study. Conservative religious voters now make up a smaller share of the adult population, but their issue positions on sexual morals and gender roles, along with the wider conservative value orientation these issues represent, remain important in their vote choice.

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Section: Resultssupporting

confidence: 88%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Religion and Grassroots Social Conservatism in Canada

Wilkins‐Laflamme¹,

Reimer

2019

Can J Pol Sci

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“…In The scandal concerned the payment of government money as 'sponsorship' to various advertising firms in Quebec in return for highlighting the achievements of the federal government (see Clarke et al, 2006;Kozolanka, 2006). In light of the scandal, trust in government inevitably became a central focus of the election campaign, which was brought on by a parliamentary vote of no confidence in the Martin government in late 2005.…”

Section: Canada: Federal Accountability Act -2006mentioning

confidence: 99%

Prime Ministers and political narratives for policy change: towards a heuristic

Grube

2012

Policy &Amp; Politics

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Political narratives play a central role in modern governance. They explain a government's driving principles, and underpin their ability to implement policy change. Rhetoric is the tool that Prime Ministers use to articulate and frame political narratives to support their policy prescriptions. This article examines four case studies of how Prime Ministers in Westminster systems have used political rhetoric to create narratives capable of making a persuasive case for policy change. Common themes are explored to provide the basis for a heuristic that encapsulates contemporary prime ministerial practice in articulating political narratives for policy change.Democratically elected leaders seeking to propose policy change are faced with a difficult question: how can we explain why we are doing this in a way that people actually understand? It is a question asked and answered -often in great haste -in the offices of Prime Ministers across the Westminster world. The question is in fact more significant than it sounds. Underlying the question is not only a political communication problem but more importantly also a governance problem. The inability to articulate a coherent political narrative for action can lead to governments being unable to implement policy decisions. What on the surface may appear to be an argument about 'spin' is in reality an argument about the limitations in modern governance of democratically elected governments being able to implement their policies. Under the conditions of network governance, governments rely on the goodwill and support of an array of external actors to govern effectively (see Rhodes, 1997Rhodes, , 2007. If a political narrative fails to persuade key actors of the necessity for change, governments can quickly lose control of a debate and of the momentum needed to carry through a policy change. The study of political narratives therefore becomes an essential component of understanding modern governance.Political narratives operate at two distinct levels, although the relationship between them is by no means clearly established. At the first level, every political leader and government consciously or unconsciously promulgates a meta-narrative -an allencompassing story about what their government stands for. Its breadth covers the litany of individual policies that make up the everyday work of government. At the second level, each major policy announcement has linked with it a narrative of its own -commensurate with the meta-narrative -but more specific in its rationale for a particular policy. It is a story that explains why a new law or policy is necessary.There is a strong and developing popular literature about political narratives. According to the Global Language Monitor website, the word itself -'narrative' -was the third top word in global discourse in 2010, primarily because of its growing use in the political sphere. 1 A commensurate academic literature to systematically characterise the components of political narratives and explain their significance to modern governan...

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“…Constitutional courts can declare government proposals unconstitutional and frustrate a government's reform agenda, as for example in the case of the socialist cabinet in France during the early 1980s . Audit institutions uncovering financial misconduct by the government can affect electoral competition, as in the case of the Canadian sponsorship scandal in 2004 that ultimately led to the defeat of the Liberal Party in the 2006 elections …”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Checks or Toothless Tigers? Powers and Incentives of External Officeholders to Constrain the Cabinet in 25 European Democracies

Sieberer¹

2012

Gov. & oppos.

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Under what conditions and to what extent do external officeholders in parliamentary democracies constrain the cabinet's freedom of action? The article argues that we must analyse both institutional powers and officeholders’ incentives to use them to obtain an unbiased estimate of the expected constraint. It measures the incentives dimension via the selection method of external officeholders and develops an index to capture the likelihood that such officeholders hold preferences deviant from those of the cabinet. Analysing original data on four external constraint institutions in 25 European democracies, the article shows major variation in the incentives to constrain the cabinet across both offices and countries. Furthermore, it demonstrates that institutional powers and incentives for their use are empirically largely independent dimensions.

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Flawless Campaign, Fragile Victory: Voting in Canada's 2006 Federal Election

Cited by 11 publications

References 4 publications

Religion and Grassroots Social Conservatism in Canada

Religion and Grassroots Social Conservatism in Canada

Prime Ministers and political narratives for policy change: towards a heuristic

Checks or Toothless Tigers? Powers and Incentives of External Officeholders to Constrain the Cabinet in 25 European Democracies

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