Focussing as predication

Kiss, Katalin É.

doi:10.1515/9783110922011.169

Cited by 85 publications

(21 citation statements)

References 8 publications

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“…The same observation, namely, that the preverbal focus constituent (or an accented subconstituent thereof) identifies the unique holder of the property described by the rest of the sentence underlies the proposal defended in É. Kiss (2006;2009) about focus being an identificational predicate. For a detailed summary of the reasons why structural focus in Hungarian must be attributed an exhaustive interpretation see É.…”

Section: Topp* Specmentioning

confidence: 79%

Scope marking and prosody in Hungarian

Gyuris

Jackson

2018

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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The paper presents an analysis of the results of three perception experiments that aimed to investigate the scope of postverbal quantifiers in Hungarian. These experiments found no correlations between wide vs. narrow scope readings of postverbal quantifiers and their stressed vs. unstressed pronunciations, contradicting a widespread assumption. In addition to the dominance of scope interpretation that corresponds to the linear order of constituents, previously unnoticed effects of the syntactic or thematic role of the postverbal quantifier and of the type of preverbal operator in the same sentence were found. These might indicate a more complex interaction of several factors or point to a greater role of extra-grammatical effects in determining the scope of quantifiers in Hungarian than previously assumed. The paper also addresses methodological issues that arise in the course of eliciting scope judgments experimentally.

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Section: Topp* Specmentioning

confidence: 79%

Scope marking and prosody in Hungarian

Gyuris

Jackson

2018

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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“…In her more recent papers É. Kiss (2004Kiss ( , 2006 analyses identificational focus as a specificational predicate and argues that exhaustivity is implied. As it is clear from this brief theoretical overview, there are controversial results regarding the treatment of identificational focus and the status of exhaustivity.…”

Section: Hungarian Demonstratives and Identificational Focusmentioning

confidence: 99%

Indexical demonstratives and identificational focus in Hungarian

Tóth

Csatár

2016

linguistica

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This paper presents the results of an experiment regarding the use of Hungarian indexical demonstratives where it is shown that the use of indexicals depends on the nature of the context. More specifically, the use of indexical demonstratives is explored in neutral contexts and in a subtype of contrastive contexts, where contrastiveness is indicated by Hungarian identificational focus. On the one hand, the results reinforce our previous findings that distance is a crucial factor in neutral contexts. On the other hand, it is revealed that utterances with distal demonstratives in identificational focus receive higher ratings on a Likert-scale than utterances with distal demonstratives in a neutral (non-focus) position. These results provide evidence in favour of the contrastive nature of identificational focus in Hungarian, at least under the condition that identificational focus is explicitly marked by moving the preverb to a postverbal position.

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“…In syntax, they enter into the "closest possible" relationship, which means a verb modifier-verb relation, analyzed as a sister relation under V ′ in Szabolcsi (1986), and as a specifier-head relation in a PredP projection in more recent frameworks (e.g., Koster 1994; É. Kiss 2006). Although the possessor of such an incorporated, non-specific indefinite noun phrase is external to the possessum, the possessum bears possessive inflection, including an agreement morpheme in the case of a pronominal possessor:…”

Section: External Possessors Licensed By Possessum Incorporationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Ways of licensing Hungarian external possessors

Kiss¹

2014

Acta Linguistica Hungarica

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This paper examines the status of Hungarian dative noun phrases interpreted as external possessors of a sister constituent. It challenges the widely accepted view put forth by Szabolcsi (1983; 1992, etc.) that external possessors are uniformly assigned a theta role by the possessum, and they are uniformly raised from its maximal projection via A-bar movement. It argues instead that external possessors can also be base-generated outside the projection of the possessum, binding its internal possessor, and can receive an 'affected' theta role from the verb. The paper distinguishes three different types of external possession, showing that they have different licensing conditions, and different agreement properties. (i) The external possessor can be generated externally, and be assigned an 'affected' theta role by the verb. The referential identity of the dative marked affected participant and the pro-dropped internal possessor is due to a binding relation between them. (ii) The external possessor can be licensed by information structure/logical structure: a case marked possessor can assume a topic, focus, or quantifier role on its own, and can be raised into the corresponding A-bar position independently, without its possessum.

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Focussing as predication

Abstract: Compositionality in focus. Folia Linguistica l5: 14l-161. l98lb The semantics of topic-focus articulation. ln Formal Methods in the

Cited by 85 publications

References 8 publications

Scope marking and prosody in Hungarian

Scope marking and prosody in Hungarian

Indexical demonstratives and identificational focus in Hungarian

Ways of licensing Hungarian external possessors

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