Foreign Terrorist Organization designation, international cooperation, and terrorism

Phillips, Brian J.

doi:10.1080/03050629.2019.1556158

Cited by 12 publications

(21 citation statements)

References 55 publications

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“…4 Supporting this argument, some authors suggest that when rebels seek international audiences -as when they use online propaganda -they try to comply with international law and limit their violence because they risk losing support (Jo 2015, 62). Moreover, by knowing rebels' violent actions, western countries are prone to label rebels as terrorists and cutting their financial support (Phillips 2019). Other studies show that when rebels conduct attacks with high levels of victims, they tend to lose online support when this information circulates in social media platforms (Barceló and Labzina 2020).…”

Section: The Internet and Popular Supportmentioning

confidence: 99%

Constraints and military coordination: How ICTs shape the intensity of rebel violence

Macías-Medellín

Atuesta

2021

International Interactions

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Why and how do information and communication technologies (ICTs) shape the intensity of rebel violence? Recent studies find that ICTs can both increase and decrease such violence. We argue that, during civil wars, this effect depends on the type of ICTs. Mobile phones give rebels better military coordination to organize violence. In contrast, the internet increases the constraints of rebel groups to use violence. On the one hand, the internet increases the visibility of rebel groups forcing them to moderate their levels of violence. On the other hand, the internet gives rebels' opponents better tools to limit the levels of rebel violence. We test these two arguments empirically with panel data of rebel violence in countries experiencing a civil war from 1989 to 2007. Through a series of negative binomial regressions, we find general support for our hypotheses. For the case of the internet, we specifically find that its effects are concentrated in more recent periods when social media became more widespread.¿Por qué y cómo influyen las tecnologías de la información y la comunicación (TIC) en la intensidad de la violencia de los rebeldes? Estudios recientes han demostrado que las TIC pueden tanto aumentar como disminuir dicha violencia. Nosotros sostenemos que, durante las guerras civiles, este efecto depende del tipo de TIC. Los teléfonos móviles proporcionan a los rebeldes una mejor coordinación militar para organizar la violencia. En cambio, Internet aumenta las limitaciones de los grupos rebeldes para utilizar la violencia. Por un lado, Internet aumenta la visibilidad de los grupos rebeldes y los obliga a moderar sus niveles de violencia. Por otro lado, Internet ofrece a los oponentes de los rebeldes mejores herramientas para limitar sus niveles de violencia. Probamos estos dos argumentos empíricamente con datos de panel de la violencia de rebeldes en países en los que hubo una guerra civil entre 1989 y 2007. Mediante una serie de regresiones binomiales negativas, encontramos un apoyo general a nuestras hipótesis. En el caso de Internet, descubrimos específicamente que sus efectos se concentran en los períodos más recientes cuando el uso de las redes sociales se generalizó.Pourquoi et comment les technologies de l'information et de la communication (TIC) façonnent-elles l'intensité de la violence KEYWORDS

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Section: The Internet and Popular Supportmentioning

confidence: 99%

Constraints and military coordination: How ICTs shape the intensity of rebel violence

Macías-Medellín

Atuesta

2021

International Interactions

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“…This can also help us examine how a change from non-FTO to FTO affects a group's activities. 21 We use the logged scale of GDP while Phillips (2019) uses GDP per capita divided by a thousand. 22 This is because the alliance data are updated to 2016 and the leadership decapitation data from Price (2012) are only to 2008.…”

Section: Key Variables and Descriptive Statisticsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Introducing a new dataset on Designated Terrorist Organizations (DTO)

Tominaga

Lee

Lyu

2022

Journal of Peace Research

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This article introduces a new dataset, Designated Terrorist Organizations (DTO), which details every terrorist organization designated or sanctioned by two IGOs and 148 state governments, as well as the timing of each designation. The DTO includes 281 terrorist groups that have been officially designated by at least one IGO or state government as well as 223 other active terrorist groups that have never been designated. The DTO has a dyadic structure that offers information on both the designating country and the designated group, such as the base location and past activities. We present some trends and patterns of terrorist designation over time and across countries and apply the DTO to analyze the impact of terrorist designation on groups’ attacks. Our preliminary findings show that terrorist designation is negatively associated with terrorist attacks, although the effect only appears in an earlier period.

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“…See "Foreign Military Financing Program" House Appropriations Committee Reports, 112 th Congress (2011-2012) House Report 112-494: State, Foreign Operations and Related Programs Appropriations Bill, 2013. http://thomas.loc.gov/cgibin/cpquery/?&sid=cp112WcH61&r_n=hr494.112&dbname=cp112&&sel=TOC_218118. On how the effects of FTO status seem to be more powerful in U.S. allied countries, see Phillips 2018. terrorist list also produces elite responses within the host governments of FTO groups. 55 According to Julia Morse's data on counter-terrorism financing (2006)(2007)(2008)(2009)(2010)(2011)(2012)(2013)(2014), a larger number of FTO-host countries have instituted new laws compared to non-FTO-host-countries to tackle terrorism financing after FTO designation of their residing terrorist groups.…”

Section: Responses By the Us Other States And International Organmentioning

confidence: 99%