Russian exhibits a rich pattern of phonological vowel reduction, by which some
vowel contrasts are neutralized in unstressed syllables. Recent work in phonology
suggests a mechanism by which phonetic vowel reduction - compression of the
overall vowel space due to target undershoot - might lead to patterns like Russian.
Presenting acoustic data from 9 speakers of Russian, we use Euclidean distance
measures, measures of F1-F0 and F2-F1, and Bayesian classification to provide a
basic picture of how the overall vowel space, as well as the distribution of vowels,
change as stress is reduced. We are particularly interested in whether contraction of
the vowel space in unstressed positions is primarily due to raising, and in whether
contrasting pairs of vowels are evenly spaced within and across contexts. Our
results provide qualified support for the first hypothesis, but largely do not support
the hypothesis of equal spacing, in particular across contexts. Of additional interest,
we find that some impressionistically described neutralizations are incomplete.