Four Types of Symbolic Conflict

Harrison, Simon

doi:10.2307/3034688

Cited by 105 publications

(55 citation statements)

References 22 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Unclassified

Order By: Relevance

“…In many stable polities, symbolic issues are often regarded as just that: symbolic, peripheral to the political core, and capable of offering a metaphor for wider political or social developments. In a deeply divided society, heightened sensitivity to cultural and identity issues may mean that symbols are drawn into the political core and become credited with an absolute worth (Firth, 1973, p. 427; see also Harrison, 1995). The very fact that certain groups may hold certain types of art or imagery, certain days or certain locations in high esteem, may in turn make these symbolic targets for opposing groups or individuals.…”

Section: Violence In Ethno-national Conflictmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Persecution of Gypsies in Europe

Brearley

2001

American Behavioral Scientist

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Roma/Gypsies, nomads newly arrived in Europe in the 1400s, endured expulsions, forcible removal of children, servitude in galleys or mines, death sentences for being Gypsy, and absolute slavery in the Balkans from the 16th century onward. Persecution stemmed from highest authorities in State and Church. Following the murder of 200,000 to 500,000 Roma in the Holocaust, persecution persists, especially in Central and Eastern Europe where Roma form up to 10% of population (Bulgaria, Slovakia, Romania). Discriminated against under communism, their plight has dramatically worsened since 1989. Endemic problems (low life expectancy, high illiteracy, dire poverty, poor housing) are now heightened by massive, disproportionate unemployment. Unprecedented persecution has been unleashed by new state nationalism and easing of censorship. Roma are the new scapegoat for post-Communist society's ills. The media commonly stigmatize Roma. Few countries have created laws to protect Roma rights. Some activists fear a potential genocide if conditions worsen.

show abstract

Section: Violence In Ethno-national Conflictmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Persecution of Gypsies in Europe

Brearley

2001

American Behavioral Scientist

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…The objectively disproportionate investment of time, money, and resources in monuments can be understood as conflicts over the accumulation, capture, and use of symbolic capital by political elites. Bourdieu (1977Bourdieu ( , 1990 introduced the concept of symbolic capital in his analysis of social relationships in pre-capitalist, agrarian societies, although the idea has subsequently been applied more broadly to political conflicts and the built environment (Dovey 1992, Harrison 1995, McCann 1995 Officialization is the process whereby the group (or those who dominate it) teaches itself and masks from itself its own truth, binds itself by a public profession which sanctions and imposes what it utters…[and contributes] to the maintenance of the social order from which it derives its power (Bourdieu 1990, 108).…”

Section: National Identity and Symbolic Capitalmentioning

confidence: 99%

Unraveling the Threads of History: Soviet–Era Monuments and Post–Soviet National Identity in Moscow

Forest

Johnson

2002

Annals of the Association of American Geographers

217

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This article explores the formation of post–Soviet Russian national identity through a study of political struggles over key Soviet–era monuments and memorials in Moscow during the “critical juncture” in Russian history from 1991 through 1999. We draw on the work of Pierre Bourdieu and Pierre Nora to explain how competition among political elites for control over the sites guided their transformation from symbols of the Soviet Union into symbols of Russia. By co–opting, contesting, ignoring, or removing certain types of monuments through both physical transformations and “commemorative maintenance,” Russian political elites engaged in a symbolic dialogue with each other and with the public in an attempt to gain prestige, legitimacy, and influence. We make this argument through case studies of four monument sites in Moscow: Victory Park (Park Pobedy), the Lenin Mausoleum, the former Exhibition of the Achievements of the National Economy (VDNKh), and the Park of Arts (Park Isskustv). In the article, we first discuss the role of symbolic capital in the transformation of national identity. Following an examination of the political struggles over places of memory in Moscow, we analyze the interplay between elite and popular uses of the monuments, exploring the extent to which popular “reading” of the sites limits the ability of elites to manipulate their meaning. We conclude by looking at the Russian case in comparative perspective and exploring the reasons behind the dearth of civic monuments in post–Soviet Russia.

show abstract

“…Il caso della Fgci modenese, allora, non è solo interpretabile nel contesto del passaggio da propaganda a comunicazione politica che molti partiti avevano intrapreso all'inizio degli anni Ottanta, ma può essere considerato anche come un esempio di innovazione simbolica, un processo tipico dei periodi di trasformazione delle culture politiche [Harrison 1995]. La scelta di mescolare repertori simbolici differenti e, di conseguenza, rimodulare l'identità politica comunista con l'introduzione di nuove istanze e obiettivi, era una risposta alla crisi generale del comunismo italiano che di fatto precedeva il dibattito che avrebbe poi accompagnato la svolta occhettiana dell'1989-1991.…”

Section: Prime Conclusioni E Prospettive DI Interpretazioneunclassified

“Il coraggio di essere giovani”: un progetto sulla Fgci di Modena degli anni Ottanta

Capelli¹

2015

E-Review

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

L'Istituto Storico di Modena promuove una ricerca sulla Fgci di Modena degli anni Ottanta con l'obiettivo di cominciare a riflettere sul decennio conclusivo della storia delPci, un periodo di crisi profonda della cultura politica comunista che la storiografia non ha ancora affrontato in modo sistematico. Il caso modenese permette di osservare alcuni importanti elementi dell'esperienza della Fgci "rifondata", come il nuovo approccio alla comunicazione politica e il rapporto con i movimenti sociali. The Historical Institute of Modena is undertaking a research project about the Communist Youth Federation of Modena in the 1980s, with the goal of looking for new perspectives on the last decade of history of the Italian Communist Party. The case of Modena offers a privileged point of observation on some of the most important features of the politics of the "new" Youth Federation, like its approach to political communication and its rela-tionship with the social movements. Introduzione: lo scopo del progetto«Ci sentiamo estranei a questi anni Ottanta, i più brutti della nostra vita» [Ignazi 1992, 29]. Sono le parole con cui nel 1987, dopo la grave sconfitta elettorale subita dal Pci alle politiche, un segretario di sezione toscano tracciava un bilancio di quello che sarebbe stato il decennio conclusivo della storia del partito. Il riferimento al senso di estraneità percepito dalla base è particolarmente significativo: questa semplice espressione di scoramento diventa indice non solo della serie di insuccessi a livello organizzativo ed elettorale che i comunisti avevano incontrato

show abstract

Four Types of Symbolic Conflict

Cited by 105 publications

References 22 publications

The Persecution of Gypsies in Europe

The Persecution of Gypsies in Europe

Unraveling the Threads of History: Soviet–Era Monuments and Post–Soviet National Identity in Moscow

“Il coraggio di essere giovani”: un progetto sulla Fgci di Modena degli anni Ottanta

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About