Framing and counter-framing a Peace March in Russia: the use of Twitter during a hybrid war

Nikolayenko, Olena

doi:10.1080/14742837.2019.1599852

Cited by 12 publications

(13 citation statements)

References 48 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…We find that the difference between framing and counter framing in the media is so different from what the winning team did that the fact that certain candidates are framed again to carry out persuasive political messages during campaigns, the difference is the study of Vitriol et al (2020) and Nikolayenko (2019) operate in online media, but the principle is that supporters of Aries Narang-Habib Fawzi show a change in loyalty consistency by framing the issue of corrupt candidates, as in the case of Jekan Raya. Framing and counter framing as the study of Anggalime (2017); Aprillia (2017); Farida & Yoedtadi (2019); Ikasari & Arifina (2020) is a framing and frame resistance between online media, the difference with the Palangka Raya election, namely between loyal voters and the winning team.…”

Section: The Framing "Prisoners Issue"mentioning

confidence: 66%

“…The framed issues can influence public opinion so that the packaged frames turn their backs on the real reality. In comparison, the study Nikolayenko (2019) analyzing the framing of twitter uploads by activists was able to mobilize collective action in protest against Russia in Ukraine and study Vitriol et al (2020) related to increasing certainty of attitudes, polarization and voter behaviour during the 2012 presidential election campaign for Barack Obama and Mitt Romney. According to him, counter-persuasive political messages in the online context can damage electoral attitudes.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

Framing Issues of Ex-Prisoners, Vote Buying, and Winning Teams: Evidence from Pilkada of the Palangka Raya City

Haridison

2021

JGPP

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This manuscript specifically explores the dynamics of the Pilkada of Palangka Raya City in 2018. As with the simultaneous regional elections in Indonesia in general, there are still problems related to the practice of vote buying, network of winning teams and strong patronage. This is a determining factor in a candidate's victory, even though he was once labeled a prisoner. We observed a phenomenon in the Pilkada of Palangka Raya City; that having high popularity and strong political clientelism cannot help a person that is labeled an ex-prisoner to attain victory. Our study is complemented by a case study approach with a holistic analysis method. We observed and interviewed key informants in order to obtain some data related to the theme. Results show that the ability of the winning candidate’s team to frame and counter frame the candidate as an ex-prisoner who gives cash to former fellow inmates, succeeded in helping the other candidate to win the Pilkada in the Palangka Raya City. We found that the implementation of the frame and counter frame theories was successful in the Pilkada context. This method of framing and counter framing is very effective in producing regional leaders with integrity and clean records and in instilling rationality in voters to reject corrupt leaders. Empirically, the limitations in framing these issues have not completely eliminated the pattern of giving money in politics.

show abstract

Section: The Framing "Prisoners Issue"mentioning

confidence: 66%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Framing Issues of Ex-Prisoners, Vote Buying, and Winning Teams: Evidence from Pilkada of the Palangka Raya City

Haridison

2021

JGPP

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Nikolayenko’s (2019) analysis of Twitter posts about an antiwar protest against Russia’s 2014 intervention in Ukraine showed peace activists framed their cause as “patriotic” and “morally superior.” In response, “opponents of the march considered themselves as real patriots and their adversaries as national traitors” (p. 602). Nationalism, as both Ayoub and Chetaille (2020) and Nikolayenko’s (2019) research shows, thus serves as a key framing device for both protesters and counterprotesters to justify their causes and actions (see also, Shahin, 2021).…”

Section: Protests Versus Counterprotestsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Studies such as Nikolayenko (2019) tend to view Twitter posts as discursive strategy—or choices regarding how to relay information about protest or counterprotest. But as Bennett and Segerberg (2012, 2013) have argued, digital technologies such as social networking sites (SNS) are not just conduits of information: they also enable people to “commit to an action” with regard to a social or political concern and “recommend it to others” (2013, p. 16).…”

Section: Connective Action As Affective Polarizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Affective Polarization of a Protest and a Counterprotest: Million MAGA March v. Million Moron March

Shahin

2022

American Behavioral Scientist

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Protest movements around the world have become increasingly likely to incite counterprotests that adopt an opposing stance. This study examines how a protest and a counterprotest interact with and shape each other as digitally networked connective action. My empirical focus is the so-called Million MAGA March—in which supporters of U.S. President Donald Trump protested the “stealing” of the November 2020 election by his rival, Joe Biden—and a counterprotest that erupted simultaneously. Drawing on a computational mixed-methods approach to examine two corpora of tweets featuring hashtags used by protesters and counterprotesters, respectively, the study identifies three mutually reinforcing dimensions of protest–counterprotest interaction: affective repertoires, discursive strategies, and network structures. It argues that “affective polarization”—or negative partisanship driven by hostility toward an outgroup—offers a useful conceptual means of understanding the significance of affect and collective identity in digital social movements, especially protest–counterprotest interactions. In doing so, the study also addresses concerns that “big data” methods are insensitive to the role of identity and expressive communication in social movements. Finally, the study demonstrates how online and offline political action are mutually constitutive aspects of contemporary contentious politics.

show abstract

“…Looking at the 2014 Peace March in Moscow, Olena Nikolayenko (2019) showed how peace march supporters and opponents framed and reframed the meanings of calls for a peaceful resolution between Russia and Ukraine. In turn, social media research produced a considerable amount of works focused on social movements and new ways of seeing and theorizing social action (Kumar & Semetko, 2018;Meraz & Papacharissi, 2013;Nikolayenko, 2019;Rohman, 2019).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

‘Peace is not just the suspension of war:’ peace communication on Twitter

Klimašauskaitė¹

2021

Preprint

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

‘Strategic communication is something we are very bad at’, tells us a tweet from the Geneva Peace Week. One of the examples of strategic communication is public engagement content on Twitter. Empirical studies, however, never looked at public engagement content about peace on Twitter. In turn, I use grounded theory approaches to explore and map peace communication among seven research organizations and events in the West. My data set comprises a total of 9,874 tweets in English. Thematic coding with Atlas.ti results in 4,274 codes that are grouped into 63 distinct themes. I find sustainable peace as the main type of peace in data. Yet, the themes that presumably contribute to it – health, accountability, trust, and transparency, among others – are marginal. While gender is among the dominant themes, it emerges disconnected, with a lack of meaningful integration of it in other topics such as health or participation. A pattern emerges of the level of view that is mainly positioned on the global, with the local, community, family left at the margins.

show abstract

Framing and counter-framing a Peace March in Russia: the use of Twitter during a hybrid war

Cited by 12 publications

References 48 publications

Framing Issues of Ex-Prisoners, Vote Buying, and Winning Teams: Evidence from Pilkada of the Palangka Raya City

Framing Issues of Ex-Prisoners, Vote Buying, and Winning Teams: Evidence from Pilkada of the Palangka Raya City

Affective Polarization of a Protest and a Counterprotest: Million MAGA March v. Million Moron March

‘Peace is not just the suspension of war:’ peace communication on Twitter

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About