The notion of national models of integration is a very popular one in comparative migration studies. These models, inspired by a historical-institutionalist perspective, are perceived as nationally and historically rooted ways of framing immigrant integration (Brubaker 1992). According to such models, how integration is defined and acted upon differs primarily according to specific national histories, differences in national identity and different views of the role of the state. A key trait of such national models is that they assume policies to be formulated and coordinated in a strongly state-centred way, reflecting national institutional legacies, national politics and public perceptions of national identity (Brubaker 1992;Koopmans and Statham 2000). In this respect, the literature distinguishes for instance the French republican model, the British race-relations model and the Dutch multicultural model. This 'models-thinking' has had great resonance in migration studies. A key reference is Brubaker's work that juxtaposes the German and French models of citizenship upon which the foundations for integration policies in these countries were built; a differentialist approach in Germany and an assimilationist approach in France (1992). As a true historical institutionalist, Brubaker shows how the historical conditions in both countries led to the construction of these national models: a strongly developed cultural and apolitical sense of national belonging in Germany