France: the front national from crossroads to crossroads?

Hainsworth, Paul; Mitchell, Paul

doi:10.1093/pa/53.3.443

Cited by 10 publications

(8 citation statements)

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“…Svåsand 1998;Goul Andersen & Bjørklund 2000;Widfeldt 2000;Rydgren 2004), and the French National Front (e.g. Hainsworth & Mitchell 2000;Ivaldi 2001; have been subject to rigorous investigation. Non-occurrences have not received much attention, even though they could have something to offer the research in the field as well.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Is There Demand for Radical Right Populism in the Finnish Electorate?

Kestilä

2006

Scand Pol Studs

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Since the 1980s, the main interest in radical right‐wing studies has been on occurrences of the phenomenon. Non‐occurrences have not received much attention, although they could have something to offer the field as well. This article focuses on the ‘Finnish exception’ and by approaching the theme in terms of single‐issue and protest voting theories, asks to what extent the electorate in Finland differs from those of other European countries with respect to the two crucial sets of attitudes for radical right‐wing parties: those towards the political system and those towards immigration. After the country comparison, the focus turns to the Finnish case to explore where in the electorate anti‐system and anti‐immigrant appeal would find the strongest support. The data used in the study is taken from the European Social Survey 2002–2003, which is analysed by principal component analysis and linear regression. The country comparison shows that in the light of single‐issue and protest voting theories, the attitudinal atmosphere in Finland provides a breeding ground for radical right populism as fertile as that in most other West European countries. Second, the case analysis of Finland reveals that anti‐immigrant attitudes and dissatisfaction with the political system are most accentuated among older, poorly educated men with no interest in politics.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Is There Demand for Radical Right Populism in the Finnish Electorate?

Kestilä

2006

Scand Pol Studs

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“…Other researchers (Hainsworth & Mitchell, 2000;Ignazi, 2006;Kitschelt & McGann, 1995;Mayer, 2003;Rydgren, 2005) also raise the issue of 'perceptions about immigration' as a significant factor. These scholars note that with an elevated number of immigrants, voters might perceive the presence of foreigners as a threat and may be drawn to support the FN.…”

Section: Immigrationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…However, if this is not the case, then a regeneration of the FN is more possible, depending on the political environment 4 and if the party can weather the transfer of leadership. Given the importance of investigating this 'demand' side, numerous scholars (e.g., Kitschelt & McGann, 1995;Hainsworth & Mitchell, 2000;Van der Brug et al, 2000;Mayer, 2003;Merkel & Weinberg, 2003;Rydgren, 2005;Ignazi, 2006;Minkenberg & Perrineau, 2007) have sought to identify factors that explain party support, especially highlighting French citizens' fears of a loss of national identity and immigration.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…According toHainsworth (2008;and Hainsworth & Mitchell, 2000) it is this 'narrow ethnically based, exclusionary representations of the nation, combined with authoritarian political perspectives' that makes these parties extremist. 2 During the 1970s and 1980s the FN gained less than 1% of the vote in presidential, parliamentary, European and regional elections(Rydgren, 2004, p. 18).…”

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confidence: 99%

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The French National Front: A Comparison between Elected Officials' Assessments of Popular Support for the French National Front and Public Opinion Polls

LaMontagne

Stockemer

2010

Perspectives on European Politics and Society

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Many studies on right-wing extremist parties have focused on socio-economic and structural factors to determine why citizens vote for the extreme right. However, no analysis has yet solicited the opinions of elected officials of non-far-rightist parties on relevant factors related to support for extremist parties. Based on a survey of 30 members of the National Assembly, the Senate and the European Parliament, this paper engages in this quest and compares politicians' opinions on indicators such as a (perceived) loss of French national identity, immigration and variables related to the presence of foreigners such as crime and unemployment, with those of the general public. This research goal is to find out whether there are discrepancies between elected politicians of non-rightist parties and the general public. The results highlight some contradictions. Politicians perceive, on average, a loss of national identity as the least important indicator and illegal immigration as the most pressing factor for why people turn to the FN. This is at odds with the perception of the general public, who, unlike politicians, identify a loss of national identity as critical.

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“…Il existe également une nouvelle frange, en augmentation, composée d'électeurs dits « ninistes » qui rejettent la droite comme la gauche mais qui restent attachés à la justice sociale, à la régulation économique par l'État ou à la défense de leurs acquis sociaux. Le succès du FN tient à sa capacité à composer avec ces deux franges 39 .…”

Section: Le Fn Dans Les Années 1990unclassified

Royall¹

2009

French Politics, Culture &Amp; Society

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Au cours des années 1980 et 1990, dans le même temps que les partis politiques de la droite et de la gauche subissent un lent affaiblissement militant, les milieux populaires français vivent mal la succession de reniements de ses engagements par la gauche au gouvernement, sans pour autant que la droite n'en profite vraiment dans les urnes 2 . Alain Bihr dresse d'ailleurs un bilan plutôt négatif de cette période pour les milieux populaires : chômage de masse, précarité, baisse du pouvoir d'achat, démantèlement du système public de protection sociale, exclusion et inégalités sociales, sentiment d'insécurité, désocialisation à la suite du délitement syndical, politique et administratif, restructurations industrielles et déréglementation, entre autres 3 . Dans ce contexte général de recomposition politique et sociale, l'extrême droite française a su se forger une place de choix 4 . Peu à peu, son principal représentant dans le processus électoral démocratique-le Front national (FN)-est devenu une force politique majeure et a réussi alternativement à intriguer, passionner, frustrer et/ou apeurer 5 . C'est aussi dans ce contexte qu'émergent de nombreuses associations issues de la société civile française qui s'affirment représentatives de la véritable gauche contestataire et antilibérale 6 . Plusieurs d'entre elles ont pour vocation la défense des personnes dominées et notamment ceux que l'on dénomme les « sans » : les sans-logis, les sans-papiers, et les sans-emploi. Les actions de ces personnes illustrent ce que certains auteurs identifient comme le retour de la question sociale, l'irruption de nouvelles formes de citoyenneté, l'affirmation de la société civile ou l'émergence de nouvelles luttes de classes 7 . Le FN et les « sans » (et leurs défenseurs) font donc irruption sur les scènes politiques et sociales dans un même contexte de mutations tout en se réclamant de pôles idéologiques opposés. Dans des études consacrées à l'interface entre

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France: the front national from crossroads to crossroads?

Cited by 10 publications

References 0 publications

Is There Demand for Radical Right Populism in the Finnish Electorate?

Is There Demand for Radical Right Populism in the Finnish Electorate?

The French National Front: A Comparison between Elected Officials' Assessments of Popular Support for the French National Front and Public Opinion Polls

Regards croisÃ©s : La presse frontiste face aux mouvements des Â« sans Â» dans les annÃ©es 1990

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