From "Business Unionism" to "Social Movement Unionism": The Case of the AFL-CIO Milwaukee County Labor Council

Eimer, Stuart

doi:10.1177/0160449x9902400206

Cited by 20 publications

(12 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…For instance, when union leaders discuss environmental issues with new social movement organizations, both groups are likely to draw more support from their communities (Kimeldorf 1999;Rose 2000;Southworth and Stepan-Norris 2003). Recent demands to move from traditional "business unionism" to "social movement unionism" in American (Eimer 1999;Fantasia and Voss 2004), South African (Wood 2002), and South Korean (Eun 2005) labor movements also suggest that forging alliances with community and other social movement groups is critical for the success of unions and the development of broader communities. Historical case studies, such as the Commune of 1871 in Paris (Gould 1995), demonstrate that insurgents' embeddedness in local communities is critical in the formation of collective identities and mass mobilization.…”

Section: Redefining the Role Of Unions: (2) A Key Node For Cross-clasmentioning

confidence: 99%

Labor Unions and Good Governance: A Cross-National, Comparative Analysis

Lee

2007

Am Sociol Rev

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Using network-based measures of unions' centrality among civic associations, this article builds and tests a theoretical framework that highlights labor unions' central role in enhancing governance. I first construct three measures to capture the connectedness and power of representative voluntary civic associations, membership density, degree centrality (comemberships), and power centrality, based on the affiliation network matrices for 54 countries, using the latest World Values Survey. I then test the key argument that unions' power centrality has significant positive effects on governance, controlling for general socioeconomic and international factors. The findings from standard statistical analyses, as well as from comparative case studies of affiliation networks, support my claims that union-centered or union-linked civic mobilization achieves a balance of class power not only in civil society, but also within state institutions, strengthening reformist parties and policy makers. This article also suggests that this power shift in the state power structure leads to better governance. I highlight the role of labor-based organizations in making governments effective and responsible, and I bring the bottom-up process of civic mobilization and social accountability back into the discussion of social capital and governance.

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Section: Redefining the Role Of Unions: (2) A Key Node For Cross-clasmentioning

confidence: 99%

Labor Unions and Good Governance: A Cross-National, Comparative Analysis

Lee

2007

Am Sociol Rev

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“…CLCs formerly functioned largely as clubs for local union officials. With Field Mobilization's Union Cities programme, CLCs are now encouraged to engage union members in "Street Heat" events which promote grassroots organizing and political activism, and facilitate mutual support among affiliated local unions (Eimer, 1999;Kriesky, 2001). This effort is being extended through a new campaign to restructure at the local level by merging small CLCs in an innovative New Alliance reorganization process under the combined sponsorship of Field Mobilization and the state federation.…”

Section: Mergers and Internal Restructuringmentioning

confidence: 99%

Reviving the American Labour Movement: Institutions and Mobilization

Hurd

Milkman

Turner

2003

European Journal of Industrial Relations

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The current revitalization of the American labour movement is driven primarily by two forces: from above, new strategic leadership in some unions and at the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO), ready to offer institutional support for local efforts to organize, build coalitions and expand the scope of grass-roots politics; from below, renewed interest in rank-and-file activism and participation. We call these two forces institutional support and network mobilization, and we find indications of their overriding importance in all six union strategies on which our case-study research focuses: organizing, political action, coalition building, labour-management partnership, organizational change and international solidarity.

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“…19 Despite this attenuated version of SMU-an attenuation that most theorists and writers are not aware of-Moody's terminology has resonated in North America and has expanded greatly. A wide variety of authors have used the term, including (among others) Clawson, 2003;Dreiling and Robinson, 1998;Eimer, 1999;Fantasia and Voss, 2004;Huber and Luce, 2001;Johnston, 2001;Lopez, 2004;Milkman, 2006;Milkman and Voss, 2004;Nissen, 2003;Robinson, 2002;Schiavone, 2004Schiavone, , 2007Schiavone, , 2008Sharpe, 2004;Turner and Hurd, 2001;Wilton and Cranford, 2002;Tattersall, 2009;and Voss and Sherman, 2000. 20 The best effort to date to pull together this entire "school" of thought is Bruce Nissen's 2003 article in Labor Studies Journal.…”

Section: Empirical Researchmentioning

confidence: 99%

Social Movement Unionism or Social Justice Unionism? Disentangling Theoretical Confusion within the Global Labor Movement

Scipes

2014

CRCP

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After the election of John Sweeney as President of the AFL-CIO in October 1995, activists and supportive intellectuals in the United States began thinking about how to revitalize the almost moribund American labor movement. A key part of this literature has revolved around the concept of "social movement unionism." This term touched a nerve, and has garnered widespread usage in North America over the past two decades. However, most researchers using this term have no idea that it was initially developed to understand the new unionism developed by members of specific labor movements in Brazil, the Philippines and South Africa, a type of unionism qualitatively different from that found in North America. This paper argues that the term "social movement unionism" should be confined only to labor organizations developing the same type of unionism, wherever in the world such should be found. Accordingly, this concept should not be utilized in North America today as there are no labor centers or unions present that are developing this type of trade unionism. It is important to clarify this confusion because it is leads to incorrect understandings and miscommunication. Accordingly, the current situation-whereby the same term is used to refer to two qualitatively different social phenomena-theoretically works against efforts to build global labor solidarity. What about the progressive, broad-scope unionism emerging in North America over the past two decades? Taking a page from labor history, this article argues that the proper precedent is progressive unionism developed by the United Packinghouse Workers of America, CIO, and others, and therefore should be referred to as "social justice unionism." An Appendix provides a measurement tool. The argument is empirically grounded and theoretically developed, allowing us to better understand trade unionism around the globe.

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From "Business Unionism" to "Social Movement Unionism": The Case of the AFL-CIO Milwaukee County Labor Council

Cited by 20 publications

References 9 publications

Labor Unions and Good Governance: A Cross-National, Comparative Analysis

Labor Unions and Good Governance: A Cross-National, Comparative Analysis

Reviving the American Labour Movement: Institutions and Mobilization

Social Movement Unionism or Social Justice Unionism? Disentangling Theoretical Confusion within the Global Labor Movement

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