From Soldiering and Motherhood to Citizenship: A Study of Four Israeli Peace Protest Movements

Helman, Sara

doi:10.1093/sp/6.3.292

Cited by 57 publications

(36 citation statements)

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“…In addition, social changes, such as the gradual liberalization of Israeli society since the 1980s and the growing exposure to feminism, enabled alternative paths of political participation for local women leaders at the civil-society level (Herzog 1999). In an attempt to pose a civil alternative to the "nation in arms" Zionist model, women's organizations in Israel promoted a political vision linking feminism, democracy, and antimilitarism (Helman 1999). …”

Section: Gender Peace and Bureaucratic Memorymentioning

confidence: 99%

Gender and “Peace Work”: An Unofficial History of Israeli-Palestinian Peace Negotiations

Aharoni

2011

Pol & Gen

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Unlike earlier attempts to theorize Israeli women's peace activism in civil society, this article examines the involvement of women in backstage roles of formal negotiations during the Oslo Process. On the basis of a qualitative analysis of the organizational structure and gender division of labor in Israeli negotiating bodies, I find that women were placed as midlevel negotiators and professional and legal advisors, and also served as spokeswomen and secretaries. This pattern of participation reveals 1) that the "security logic," developed by Israeli negotiators led to, and reinforced, a structured gendered division of labor, providing a rational justification for gender inequality; 2) that the ability to control administrative capacities and women workers generated symbolic masculine power and assisted in maintaining asymmetries between Israeli and Palestinian delegations; 3) and that midlevel Israeli negotiators' narratives reveal the extent to which conceptual confusion and self-contradictory approaches toward the Oslo Accords reinforced women's overall invisibility. I conclude that patterns of rigid gender roles in official negotiating structures not only minimize women's meaningful inclusion in peace negotiations but also affect the production of public historical narratives about gender, peace, and war.

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Section: Gender Peace and Bureaucratic Memorymentioning

confidence: 99%

Gender and “Peace Work”: An Unofficial History of Israeli-Palestinian Peace Negotiations

Aharoni

2011

Pol & Gen

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“…Meanwhile, however, the latter had begun to liberate themselves from the confines of military thought, which increasingly had fewer rewards to offer them. Secular middle class groups thus came to lead the protests and peace movements that eroded the state's internal autonomy in administering its preferred military policies (see Helman 1999). …”

Section: Bereaved Parents' Multiple Voicesmentioning

confidence: 99%

An Unbearable Price: War Casualties and Warring Democracies

Levy

2009

Int J Polit Cult Soc

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Israeli society has changed its attitude to the sacrifice of life in war, a change that is reflected in the bereavement discourse. Attitudes have shifted from the unquestioned justification of military losses prior to the First Lebanon War (1982) to the emergence of an antiwar bereavement discourse after the war and during the South Lebanon war of attrition that followed it. More recently, following the Al-Aqsa Intifada and the Second Lebanon War (2006), a discourse that accepts losses has emerged. While the retreat from the hegemonic discourse prior to the First Lebanon War is explained by the changing attitudes to military sacrifice among the social elites, the latter shift took place in parallel with the alteration of the social composition of the Israeli Defence Force. It is argued that the social composition of the military affects the level of sensitivity to losses. While secular uppermiddle class groups tend to show a high level of sensitivity to war losses, which they then translate into a subversive bereavement discourse, religious and peripheral groups with a hawkish agenda are more tolerant of military losses, or, alternatively, may seek to avoid excessive casualties by improving the military's performance or the quality of the political directives.

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“…Notably, there has been a growing body of studies on Israel, primarily qualitative, that does look at the mutual influence of gender, militarism, and democratic culture (e.g., Adelman 2004;Chazan 1989;Emmett 1996;Golan 1997;Helman 1999;Herzog 2004;Klein 2002;Robbins and Ben-Eliezer 2000;Shalhoub-Kevorkian 2004a;Sharoni 1999). Yet in quantitative studies the constructionist approach, namely the understanding of gender as embedded in broad mechanisms of power, has not yet been internalized.…”

Section: Theoretical Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

‘How Can I Feel for Others When I Myself Am Beaten?’ The Impact of the Armed Conflict on Women in Israel

2007

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This research presents an initial documentation of Israeli women's sense of insecurity during the Second Intifada (2001)(2002)(2003)(2004)(2005). Drawing on feminist security theory and the intersectional approach to gender, we hypothesized that women's familiar tendency to develop high levels of stress following political violence would be related to previous sexual and domestic victimization, to economic distress and ethnic discrimination among minority women, and to the cultural role of care workers among women of all socio-economic backgrounds. A sample of 552 women self-completed a cluster of questionnaires addressing a broad array of topics, and results confirmed most of the research hypotheses. The discussion highlights the multiple articulations of gender, militarism, and security and their possible implications for policies of conflict resolution.

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From Soldiering and Motherhood to Citizenship: A Study of Four Israeli Peace Protest Movements

Cited by 57 publications

References 0 publications

Gender and “Peace Work”: An Unofficial History of Israeli-Palestinian Peace Negotiations

Gender and “Peace Work”: An Unofficial History of Israeli-Palestinian Peace Negotiations

An Unbearable Price: War Casualties and Warring Democracies

‘How Can I Feel for Others When I Myself Am Beaten?’ The Impact of the Armed Conflict on Women in Israel

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