Abstract:ResumenA más de tres décadas de la aplicación de las políticas de ajuste estructural en Chile, las clases medias han aumentado su peso en la estructura social y han cambiado su sector económico, empleo y trayectorias de movilidad social. Este artículo analiza la percepción de las fronteras simbólicas que, emergentes de estos procesos macrosociales, van moldeando las subjetividades de los sujetos pertenecientes a las clases medias en procesos de movilidad social ascendente y se relacionan con las percepciones s… Show more
“…However, those who actually experienced residential mobility tended to maintain deep emotional affinities to their stigmatized neighborhoods, something consistent with similar results in international research (Jorgensen, 2010; Kirkness, 2014; Manzo et al, 2008; Ortega, 2014). These results are aligned with some studies focused on the subjective implications of social mobility, as people may feel as an outsider in the new place, and indebted with the place of origin, feeling that they have to give back to the childhood neighborhood (e.g., Castillo, 2016; De Gaulejac, 2008; Salinas & Riquelme, 2015; Walkerdine, 2003):Maybe I will work for the wealthy, to win more money, but I will also work in deprived neighbourhoods. And I will work there without any payment, because there you find people who really needs it.…”
Section: Social Exclusion Place and Stigmasupporting
confidence: 88%
“…Research on social mobility and its links to subjectivity and identity, however, has shown that these processes are not unproblematic. Specifically, research on people's upward social mobility trajectories indicate that the process implies affective and identity contradictions, which resonate around a tension between “who I am” and “who I want to be” (Castillo, 2016; Salinas & Riquelme, 2015; Walkerdine, 2003). Stephanie Taylor (2005), for example, addresses residential mobility as a challenging process that questions individuals' place identity, foregrounding contradictions in the narrative accounts of self‐identity (i.e., “identity trouble”) through which they make sense of their lives as emplaced subjects.…”
Section: Social Exclusion Place and Stigmamentioning
As mobility is increasingly reshaping social relations, understanding how it affects new forms of social exclusion is an important challenge in today's polarized societies. From a political‐psychological perspective, this challenge requires recognition of how identity processes linked to exclusion are significantly shaped by sociospatial mobility practices. Identity, mobility, and exclusion are at the core of the psychological experience of people living in segregated areas from where they are impelled to leave. Building on this argument, we present a qualitative case study based on ethnographic and narrative methods, which aimed to understand identity processes among young people who have lived most of their lives in four “stigmatized neighborhoods” in Santiago de Chile. The analysis indicated that young people navigate a paradoxical identity project in such neighborhoods, driven by contradictory cultural mandates. This case study contributes to knowledge on how sociospatial exclusion and the politics of mobility can manifest in the form of “identity trouble,” as young people struggle between belonging and running away, while attempting to maintain a coherent sense of self.
“…However, those who actually experienced residential mobility tended to maintain deep emotional affinities to their stigmatized neighborhoods, something consistent with similar results in international research (Jorgensen, 2010; Kirkness, 2014; Manzo et al, 2008; Ortega, 2014). These results are aligned with some studies focused on the subjective implications of social mobility, as people may feel as an outsider in the new place, and indebted with the place of origin, feeling that they have to give back to the childhood neighborhood (e.g., Castillo, 2016; De Gaulejac, 2008; Salinas & Riquelme, 2015; Walkerdine, 2003):Maybe I will work for the wealthy, to win more money, but I will also work in deprived neighbourhoods. And I will work there without any payment, because there you find people who really needs it.…”
Section: Social Exclusion Place and Stigmasupporting
confidence: 88%
“…Research on social mobility and its links to subjectivity and identity, however, has shown that these processes are not unproblematic. Specifically, research on people's upward social mobility trajectories indicate that the process implies affective and identity contradictions, which resonate around a tension between “who I am” and “who I want to be” (Castillo, 2016; Salinas & Riquelme, 2015; Walkerdine, 2003). Stephanie Taylor (2005), for example, addresses residential mobility as a challenging process that questions individuals' place identity, foregrounding contradictions in the narrative accounts of self‐identity (i.e., “identity trouble”) through which they make sense of their lives as emplaced subjects.…”
Section: Social Exclusion Place and Stigmamentioning
As mobility is increasingly reshaping social relations, understanding how it affects new forms of social exclusion is an important challenge in today's polarized societies. From a political‐psychological perspective, this challenge requires recognition of how identity processes linked to exclusion are significantly shaped by sociospatial mobility practices. Identity, mobility, and exclusion are at the core of the psychological experience of people living in segregated areas from where they are impelled to leave. Building on this argument, we present a qualitative case study based on ethnographic and narrative methods, which aimed to understand identity processes among young people who have lived most of their lives in four “stigmatized neighborhoods” in Santiago de Chile. The analysis indicated that young people navigate a paradoxical identity project in such neighborhoods, driven by contradictory cultural mandates. This case study contributes to knowledge on how sociospatial exclusion and the politics of mobility can manifest in the form of “identity trouble,” as young people struggle between belonging and running away, while attempting to maintain a coherent sense of self.
“…Asimismo, diferentes estudios (Chavez y Flores, 2017;Duk y Murillo, 2019;Silva-Peña, 2020;Valenzuela, Bellei y De Los Ríos, 2014) han sido categóricos a la hora de indicar que el sistema educativo chileno tiene severos problemas de segregación (en términos socioeconómicos, culturales, étnicos, etc.). De hecho, además de ofrecer casi nulas posibilidades de movilidad social (Castillo, 2016), no otorga a los sectores con menores ingresos de la población la posibilidad de acceder a centros educativos con estándares elevados de calidad (Barahona, Veres y Barahona, 2018).…”
Este artículo compara los efectos de dos modelos de Aprendizaje-Servicio en Educación Física para la formación de docentes desde una perspectiva de Justicia Social. Con un enfoque cuantitativo no experimental comparativo, la muestra se compone de 90 estudiantes universitarios de dos universidades: chilena y española que han participado en experiencias de Aprendizaje-Servicio en el ámbito de la Educación Física durante los cursos 2018/19 y 2019/20. El tratamiento y análisis estadístico se realizó mediante el programa SPSS v.25, estableciendo el nivel de significación para todos los análisis en P<0,05. Los resultados del estudio muestran diferencias significativas sobre los efectos que produce cada modelo de Aprendizaje-Servicio en la formación inicial desde una perspectiva de Justicia Social, utilizado en cada universidad. Asimismo, los resultados se encuentran en línea con otros estudios que muestran cómo la participación en experiencias de Aprendizaje-Servicio favorece el desarrollo de la reflexibidad crítica sobre la Justifica Social en los futuros docentes de Educación Física; además de otorgarles herramientas para la resolución de eventos problemáticos, a partir de situaciones comunitarias reales.
“…Carmen gives voice to the way many respondents see their upward trajectories: as a continual process involving great and sustained effort and sacrifices to reach their current position of improved occupational and economic conditions. Moreover, as Blanca suggests, this invocation of effort is often closely tied to a clear differentiation from people from privileged backgrounds with whom they have interacted at university or in occupational settings -an element which is central for their boundary-making undertaken by the upwardly mobile (Castillo, 2016;UNDP, 2017: 247-248). Carmen's interpretation of effort is confirmed by Cristina Martínez, an electrical engineer from UCH, who makes an explicit contrast between privileged people, and those like herself who come from disadvantaged backgrounds: 'My story makes me value things.…”
Section: Belonging To 'People Of Effort'mentioning
In a world of rising income and wealth inequalities, studying popular concern or consent about inequality, social mobility and meritocracy is increasingly relevant. However, while there is growing body of research on the explanations individuals provide for inequality in the US and Europe, there is a striking absence of studies addressing how people experiencing long-range upward mobility relate to meritocratic values in Latin American societies. In this article I draw upon on 60 life-course interviews to examine how long-range upwardly mobile individuals – those who best embody the meritocratic ideal – explain their success in Chilean society. Internationally well-known for the implementation of radical neoliberal reforms since the mid 1970s, Chile has both elevated levels of inequality and high rates of occupational mobility. Contrary to the individual-centred approach to meritocratic success dominant in the existing literature, my findings reveal a strong collective framing in respondents’ accounts and the acknowledgement of external factors shaping their upward trajectories. These findings bear important conceptual, methodological and geographical implications for the future study of social mobility and meritocratic values.
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