Gaps in protest activities between natives and individuals of migrant origin in Europe

Abstract

This article explores gaps in protest engagement between natives and individuals of migrant origin in European cities. It examines migrant-native gaps and second generation-native gaps by associating them with different sources of inequalities: differential individual SES resources, differential attitudes, and differential characteristics related to migration; differential effects of such factors for natives and for individuals of migrant origin; and differential contexts offering varying opportunities of participation. The study uses cross-national micro-data from a population survey of immigrant-origin individuals and natives in 9 European cities undertaken in 2004-2008. The findings show that observed inequalities in protest participation involving migrants and second generations are largely based on different levels of education attained and of political interest. Some migration-related characteristics, like holding the citizenship of the host country and experienced discrimination, affect protest gaps as well. In addition, results support the claimed importance of the context where individuals of migrant origin settle, in particular, of the characteristics of the citizenship regime. Finally, our findings support a segmented assimilation hypothesis whereby different socioeconomic modes of incorporation of ethnic groups in the host cities affect different trajectories of political incorporation.

Comparing engagement by migrants in domestic and in country-of-origin political activities across European cities

“…To answer these questions, we integrate insights from the literature on political transnationalism, a concept identifying situations in which migrants find themselves embedded and acting in and between two countries, the countries of origin and the countries of residence (Schiller et al 1995;Vertovec 2004;Mouw et al 2014), with the insights derived from the literature on migrants' political integration in the countries of residence (Koopmans et al 2005;de Rooij 2012;Just and Anderson 2014;Pilati 2018). Our first contribution is to reinforce studies trying to combine perspectives on transnational practices with those on migrants' political integration in the residence countries (Ahmadov and Sasse 2016;Mügge 2016, p. 110; for similar studies in relation to the economic dimension, specifically remittances, cf.…”

Support for the political community in a community that doesn’t support you: immigrant youths’ exposure to anti-immigrant attitudes

“…It is important to note that my study captures something different than perceptions of discrimination, frequently studied in previous work (Waisman 2008;Heath and Demireva 2014;Pilati 2018). Exposure to contextual hostility is another form of personal experience, including discrimination but also covering more indirect expressions of hostility.…”

“…An example of a direct form of hostile expression is outspoken racism specifically aimed towards the individual, whereas indirect expressions of hostility include negative statements about immigration or immigrants as a group in general. Discrimination is also a specific form of hostile expressions, often the main focus in previous studies (Waisman 2008;Heath and Demireva 2014;Pilati 2018). Exposure to contextual hostility is thus a broader set of experiences that includes but is not exclusive to perceptions of discrimination.…”

Becoming Politically Active: Life Courses and the Formation of Capitals among Young People of Migrant Origin in Finland

“…They have all managed to build wide and strong networks, in Finland and abroad. Level of education is also important here and might help to explain their political participation (see also Pilati 2017;Ronkainen 2009). All of the participants have post-compulsory education and are currently either studying or preparing for entry exams or else are in work.…”

“…Past research on young migrants' political and civic involvement based on survey data and quantitative methods indicate that there is often no gap between second-generation migrants' and young natives' political participation at the general level (Heath et al 2013;Pilati 2017;Quintelier 2009). Some studies that look at both civic and formal political involvement of young people with survey data in the European context have shown that, at times, young people of migrant origin are even more active than their native peers (Kim & Amnå 2015;Noack & Jugert 2015).…”