Gardens and Green Spaces: placemaking and Black entrepreneurialism in Cleveland, Ohio

Lindemann, Justine

doi:10.1007/s10460-019-09947-w

Cited by 14 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 40 publications

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“…Village Produce is run by Wanda, who is a long-time community organizer in the neighborhood. Food justice organizations have been critiqued for being run by people from outside the community (Bradley & Herrera, 2016;Broad, 2016;Lindemann, 2019;Pendergrast, Smith, Liebert, & Benzer Kerr, 2019), but that is not the case with Village Produce. Wanda was active in the area, working toward community wellness, long before she established Village Produce's food justice agenda.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

How health-conscious urban gardeners aim to increase vegetable consumption in their community while simultaneously supporting Black entrepreneurship

Soper

2021

J. Agric. Food Syst. Community Dev.

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While the food justice movement was initially asso¬ciated with increasing availability of fresh produce in low-income communities of color through insti¬tutions such as farmers markets, scholars have cri¬tiqued this as imposing a right way of eating. Food justice scholarship has moved away from a focus on healthy eating toward a focus on community economic development, as food enterprises can stimulate job creation. This paper investigates the dual goals of the food justice movement through a case study in San Diego. While food justice has moved beyond promoting a love of produce and is increasingly oriented toward good jobs, for the urban gardeners in this study, the movement is still a lot about vegetables. They see food as medicine, and note the health benefits of moving toward a plant-based diet. Yet, they are reluctant to push this way of eating on others, as they do not want to come across as elitist. Instead, they spread aware¬ness that plant-based diets are an African tradition that should not just be associated with rich white folks. Rather than leading with nutrition, they lead with tradition, taste, and buying Black. To encour¬age consumption of vegetables, they aim to in¬crease the supply of prepared food options in the community, and to market dishes as delicious rather than healthy, all the while supporting Black food entrepreneurs. When selling produce direct to the consumer through farmers markets does not achieve their vision of promoting health or sup¬porting livelihoods, they re-imagine a strategy of promoting food justice through a neighborhood food supply chain.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

How health-conscious urban gardeners aim to increase vegetable consumption in their community while simultaneously supporting Black entrepreneurship

Soper

2021

J. Agric. Food Syst. Community Dev.

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“…These claims find grounding in a tendency for urban agriculture to cater to the needs and interests of privileged participants, with limited support for participation or benefits offered to economically marginalized and racialized residents (Guthman, 2011;Lebowitz and Trudeau, 2017;McClintock, 2018b). Some smaller-scale projects operated by and primarily serving historically marginalized residents have been recognized for their capacity to reclaim urban space (Eizenberg, 2012;Glennie, 2020;Lindemann, 2019;White, 2011), express communal identity in the face of systemic oppression (Brown et al, 2003;Purcell and Tyman, 2015), and enact a process of placemaking (Brown et al, 2003;Ghose and Pettygrove, 2014;Riechers et al, 2016;White, 2011). However, these operations face myriad challenges to their right to possess the land and cultivate and vend food within urban boundaries (Mares and Peña, 2010;McClintock, 2018aMcClintock, , 2018bRupprecht and Byrne, 2018).…”

Section: Conflicting Perspectives On Urban Agriculturementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Research in the United States has shown that white residents, who benefit from alignment with dominant cultural practices associated with urban agriculture and rooted within white supremacist norms in North America (Guthman, 2011), can more easily access and navigate programs that support urban agriculture. As a result, these participants face fewer barriers to establishing projects and find greater financial support from non-profit and municipal organizations alike (Lindemann, 2019). Additionally, white-led urban farms and gardens tend to adopt a public-facing orientation to their practice, attempting to create an inclusive atmosphere by broadcasting their vision and mission widely, both within the immediate community and beyond (Alkon et al, 2019;Glennie, 2020).…”

Section: Urban Agriculture and Green Gentrificationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Expelled from the garden? Understanding the dynamics of green gentrification in Vancouver, British Columbia

Sax

Nesbitt

Hagerman

2022

Environment and Planning E: Nature and Space

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There is substantial evidence detailing the ecological and social benefits provided through urban greening. However, research in the field of urban green equity has revealed that these benefits are not enjoyed equitably by all residents; existing disparities in the distribution, accessibility, and experience of urban greening disproportionately affect historically marginalized communities and residents. Furthermore, green gentrification scholarship has indicated that instances of urban greening intended to rectify inequities, can contribute to or elicit shifts in property values, encouraging speculative commercial and retail investment, disrupting existing socio-spatial relationships, and threatening the housing security of residents. Although there is consensus on this general characterization of green gentrification, many questions remain concerning the relationships between urban residents engaged in small-scale urban greening and the perpetuation of green gentrification outcomes. Contributing to this line of inquiry, we present a case study of an urban farm operating in Vancouver, Canada, facing displacement due to the redevelopment of its current site. Our results from the study illuminate the contradictory position in which urban residents practicing urban greening are sometimes placed—both implicated in and impacted by green gentrification processes. We present a review of our case study to highlight the power dynamics that farm members must navigate in the effort to preserve their access to land and continue their farming practice. Then, we discuss the farm's role as a consultant for the redevelopment process, exploring how its vision, mission, and identity have been co-opted by development agents and used as a branding tool to promote and support the public perception of the redevelopment. Our findings offer insight into novel relationships between urban agriculture, large-scale redevelopment, and green gentrification. What's more, they contribute to existing discourse concerning the limitations of development processes to account for the risks of green gentrification.

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“…In the US, foundation funding for CED rose by 160% between 2004 and 2016, while federal government funding declined by 57% over the same time (Thomson, 2020). By the end of the period, philanthropic funding for CED exceeded that of federal government in several large cities, strengthening the hand of market‐oriented philanthropists in place‐based decision‐making (Giloth, 2019; Lindemann, 2019; Thomson, 2020). Public education reform meanwhile has been a singular focus for market‐oriented philanthropy over the past two decades in both the US and UK.…”

Section: Types Of Elite Philanthropymentioning

confidence: 99%

Elite philanthropy in the United States and United Kingdom in the new age of inequalities

Maclean

Harvey

Yang

et al. 2021

Int J Management Reviews

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Elite philanthropy—voluntary giving at scale by wealthy individuals, couples and families—is intimately bound up with the exercise of power by elites. This theoretically oriented review examines how big philanthropy in the United States and United Kingdom serves to extend elite control from the domain of the economic to the domains of the social and political, and with what results. Elite philanthropy, we argue, is not simply a benign force for good, born of altruism, but is heavily implicated in what we call the new age of inequalities, certainly as consequence and potentially as cause. Philanthropy at scale pays dividends to donors as much as it brings sustenance to beneficiaries. The research contribution we make is fourfold. First, we demonstrate that the true nature and effects of elite philanthropy can only be understood in the context of what Bourdieu calls the field of power, which maintains the economic, social and political hegemony of the super‐rich, nationally and globally. Second, we demonstrate how elite philanthropy systemically concentrates power in the hands of mega foundations and the most prestigious endowed charitable organizations. Third, we explicate the similarities and differences between the four main types of elite philanthropy—institutionally supportive, market‐oriented, developmental and transformational—revealing how and why different sections within the elite express themselves through philanthropy. Fourth, we show how elite philanthropy functions to lock in and perpetuate inequalities rather than remedying them. We conclude by outlining proposals for future research, recognizing that under‐specification of constructs has hitherto limited the integration of philanthropy within the mainstream of management and organizational research.

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Gardens and Green Spaces: placemaking and Black entrepreneurialism in Cleveland, Ohio

Cited by 14 publications

References 40 publications

How health-conscious urban gardeners aim to increase vegetable consumption in their community while simultaneously supporting Black entrepreneurship

How health-conscious urban gardeners aim to increase vegetable consumption in their community while simultaneously supporting Black entrepreneurship

Expelled from the garden? Understanding the dynamics of green gentrification in Vancouver, British Columbia

Elite philanthropy in the United States and United Kingdom in the new age of inequalities

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