Gender Wage Disparities among the Highly Educated

Black, Dan A.; Haviland, Amelia; Sanders, Seth; Taylor, Lowell J.

doi:10.3368/jhr.43.3.630

Cited by 100 publications

(108 citation statements)

References 21 publications

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“…Controlling, however, for the prestige of the PhD-granting institution, experience, seniority, and especially for research productivity, substantially reduces the net wage gap (Ward, 2001) and may even close it altogether (Gibson, Anderson, and Tressler, 2012). This finding is well in line with the results of similar studies on nonacademic groups of highly educated workers such as college graduates (Black, Haviland, Sanders, and Taylor, 2008) and MBAs (Bertrand, Goldin, and Katz, 2010). Waldfogel (1998) investigates the family wage gap (i.e., the wage differential between women with and without children).…”

Section: Related Literaturesupporting

confidence: 82%

Parenthood and productivity of highly skilled labor: Evidence from the groves of academe

Krapf

Ursprung

Zimmermann

2017

Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization

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Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen:Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden.Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen.Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. www.econstor.eu The Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA) in Bonn is a local and virtual international research center and a place of communication between science, politics and business. IZA is an independent nonprofit organization supported by Deutsche Post Foundation. The center is associated with the University of Bonn and offers a stimulating research environment through its international network, workshops and conferences, data service, project support, research visits and doctoral program. IZA engages in (i) original and internationally competitive research in all fields of labor economics, (ii) development of policy concepts, and (iii) dissemination of research results and concepts to the interested public. Terms of use: Documents in D I S C U S S I O N P A P E R S E R I E SIZA Discussion Papers often represent preliminary work and are circulated to encourage discussion. Citation of such a paper should account for its provisional character. A revised version may be available directly from the author. We examine the effect of pregnancy and parenthood on the research productivity of academic economists. Combining the survey responses of nearly 10,000 economists with their publication records as documented in their RePEc accounts, we do not find that motherhood is associated with low research productivity. Nor do we find a statistically significant unconditional effect of a first child on research productivity. Conditional differencein-differences estimates, however, suggest that the effect of parenthood on research productivity is negative for unmarried women and positive for untenured men. Moreover, becoming a mother before 30 years of age appears to have a detrimental effect on research productivity.JEL Classification: J13, I23, J24

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Section: Related Literaturesupporting

confidence: 82%

Parenthood and productivity of highly skilled labor: Evidence from the groves of academe

Krapf

Ursprung

Zimmermann

2017

Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization

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“…Significantly, women continue to lag in the STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics) fields, particularly in mathematically intensive fields (Ceci et al 2014). And gender differences in college major have been found to be an important determinant of the pay gap between college-educated men and women (Black et al 2008).…”

Section: Education and Mathematics Test Scoresmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Gender Wage Gap: Extent, Trends, and Explanations

Blau

Kahn

2017

Journal of Economic Literature

2,067

740

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Using Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) microdata over the 1980–2010 period, we provide new empirical evidence on the extent of and trends in the gender wage gap, which declined considerably during this time. By 2010, conventional human capital variables taken together explained little of the gender wage gap, while gender differences in occupation and industry continued to be important. Moreover, the gender pay gap declined much more slowly at the top of the wage distribution than at the middle or bottom and by 2010 was noticeably higher at the top. We then survey the literature to identify what has been learned about the explanations for the gap. We conclude that many of the traditional explanations continue to have salience. Although human-capital factors are now relatively unimportant in the aggregate, women's work force interruptions and shorter hours remain significant in high-skilled occupations, possibly due to compensating differentials. Gender differences in occupations and industries, as well as differences in gender roles and the gender division of labor remain important, and research based on experimental evidence strongly suggests that discrimination cannot be discounted. Psychological attributes or noncognitive skills comprise one of the newer explanations for gender differences in outcomes. Our effort to assess the quantitative evidence on the importance of these factors suggests that they account for a small to moderate portion of the gender pay gap, considerably smaller than, say, occupation and industry effects, though they appear to modestly contribute to these differences. ( JEL I26, J16, J24, J31, J71)

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“…At the top of the corporate ladder, for example, women represented only 6.5% of the best-paid CEOs in 2014 and were paid 9.9% less than their male counterparts (Equilar, 2015). 1 While our understanding of such gender differences has improved substantially, sizeable differences remain unaccounted for (Black et al, 2008;Blau, 2012). A promising explanation for these residual differences is the well-documented gender difference in taste for competition: men are too willing to compete while women shy away from competition (Niederle and Vesterlund, 2011).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Overconfidence And Preferences For Competition

Reuben¹,

Sapienza²,

Zingales³

2015

129

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Using an incentivized measure of test for competition, this paper investigates whether this taste explains subsequent gender differences in earnings and industry choice in a sample of high-ability MBA graduates. We find that "competitive" individuals earn 9% more than their less competitive counterparts do. Moreover, gender differences in taste for competition explain around 10% of the overall gender gap. We also find that competitive individuals are more likely to work in high-paying industries nine years later, which suggests that the relation between taste for competition and earnings persists in the long run. Lastly, we find that the effect of taste for competition emerges over time when MBAs and firms interact with each other.

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Gender Wage Disparities among the Highly Educated

Cited by 100 publications

References 21 publications

Parenthood and productivity of highly skilled labor: Evidence from the groves of academe

Parenthood and productivity of highly skilled labor: Evidence from the groves of academe

The Gender Wage Gap: Extent, Trends, and Explanations

Overconfidence And Preferences For Competition

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