George W. Bush's post-September 11 rhetoric of covenant renewal: upholding the faith of the greatest generation

Bostdorff, Denise M.

doi:10.1080/0033563032000160963

Cited by 130 publications

(39 citation statements)

References 7 publications

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“…These popular narratives were epideictic efforts in their own right, for they praised the greatest generation and pointed to its members' virtues as civic lessons. At the same time, they exhibited collective memory's tendency to draw selectively on history, in this case often romanticizing both the greatest generation and the war itself (Bostdorff, 2003; also see Biesecker, 2002).…”

Section: Epideictic Rhetoric Collective Memory and Warmentioning

confidence: 97%

“…Noon (2004) examined the allure of World War II analogies for members of the American public, traced Bush's adoption of World War II metaphors prior to his becoming President, and surveyed 10 instances in which the President made use of such analogies in the aftermath of September 11 (also see: Bostdorff, 2003;Murphy, 2003) or in regard to the Iraq war. To extend Noon's work, the current study looks at the role of World War II as part of an explicitly epideictic address and examines how the President invoked and sustained this historic analogy throughout an entire message to serve his persuasive ends.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Epideictic Rhetoric in the Service of War: George W. Bush on Iraq and the 60th Anniversary of the Victory over Japan

Bostdorff

2011

Communication Monographs

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Section: Epideictic Rhetoric Collective Memory and Warmentioning

confidence: 97%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Epideictic Rhetoric in the Service of War: George W. Bush on Iraq and the 60th Anniversary of the Victory over Japan

Bostdorff

2011

Communication Monographs

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“…Assumptions about American identity became suffused with ethnic, racial, and religious meaning (Williams 2010(Williams , 2013. The rhetoric of American leaders at the time, particularly George W. Bush, placed the nation's reaction to the September 11 th terrorist attacks in a religious framework (Bostdorff 2003;Simons 2007) However, the association between feelings of national identity and Christianity faded by 2014. Why?…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…1 As a result of the September 11 th attacks, national identity now had stronger religious assumptions behind it (Williams 2010(Williams , 2013. American leaders increasingly used religious rhetoric as a framework for the nation's response to the attacks of September 11 th (Bostdorff 2003;Froese and Mencken 2010;Simons 2007). Some even argued that one potential outcome of the increasing salience of American identity in the wake of the 9/11 attacks would be that Americans would make a "recommitment to America as a deeply religious and primarily Christian country" (Huntington 2004).…”

Section: The Symbolic Alignment Of Christianity and National Identitymentioning

confidence: 99%

We the (Christian) People: Christianity and American Identity from 1996 to 2014

Whitehead

Scheitle

2017

Social Currents

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Religious identity, and specifically Christian identity, has long been a dominant symbolic boundary marker for inclusion into American society. But how has the salience of this boundary marker changed in recent years and in comparison to other boundary markers? Using multiple waves of the General Social Survey, we investigate temporal variation in the use of religion and other markers in constructing symbolic boundaries around American identity. First, we find that the Christian symbolic boundary both increased from 1996 to 2004 and declined from 2004 to 2014. Second, this pattern was not unique; in addition to the Christian symbolic boundary, Americans used a variety of both civic and ascriptive boundary markers to define American identity. However, our analysis also demonstrates that in 2004, the Christian symbolic boundary was significantly linked to national identity in a unique way while the other boundary markers were not. These results suggest that period effects and cultural events can influence the salience of religion in creating national symbolic boundaries. We discuss each of these findings, their relationship to the study of symbolic boundaries and American identity, and their societal implications.

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“…9 In particular, our case study expands on Bradford Vivian's 2009 efforts to understand how "epideictic performances" may "contribute to or detract from the work of political transformation" needed to end intrastate conflicts, as in Yugoslavia,10 by considering a study of epideictic discourse in interstate conflict. Since past research has focused on how presidents exploit epideictic rhetoric to conduct war, 11 Kennedy's address allows us to discern how the art of praise and blame might, alternatively, be used for the purpose of peace.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

John F. Kennedy at American University: The Rhetoric of the Possible, Epideictic Progression, and the Commencement of Peace

Bostdorff¹,

Ferris²

2014

Quarterly Journal of Speech

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In his American University address, Kennedy employed epideictic progression, a pedagogical process drawing upon dissociation and epideictic norms to convince listeners, gradually, to embrace a new vision-in this case, a world in which a testban treaty with the U.S.S.R. was possible. To do so, Kennedy's words: (1) united the audience behind the value o f " genuine peace"; (2) humanized the Soviets as worthy partners in genuine peace; (3) established the reality o f the Cold War and the credibility o f U.S. leadership; and (4) connected lessons on genuine peace to domestic civil rights.In 1963, an ideological battle-begun in the post-war era-continued to dominate U.S.-Soviet relations, and President John F. Kennedy was in a tough spot. After campaigning on charges of a missile gap, he had intensified his cold warrior persona by creating the most formidable military the world has ever seen and continuing his hardline anticommunist rhetoric.1 In the terrifying wake of the missile crisis, however, the Kennedy administration identified the need for a more conciliatory relationship with the U.S.S.R., which could occur only through a new foreign policy strategy of detente.2The first major step toward such a strategy was achievement of a limited nuclear test-ban treaty, which Kennedy now was in a better position to persuade Americans to accept owing to his increased political capital after the missile crisis. Although

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George W. Bush's post-September 11 rhetoric of covenant renewal: upholding the faith of the greatest generation

Cited by 130 publications

References 7 publications

Epideictic Rhetoric in the Service of War: George W. Bush on Iraq and the 60th Anniversary of the Victory over Japan

Epideictic Rhetoric in the Service of War: George W. Bush on Iraq and the 60th Anniversary of the Victory over Japan

We the (Christian) People: Christianity and American Identity from 1996 to 2014

John F. Kennedy at American University: The Rhetoric of the Possible, Epideictic Progression, and the Commencement of Peace

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