Getting Asia Wrong: The Need for New Analytical Frameworks

China and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization: The Dynamics of “New Regionalism”, “Vassalization”, and Geopolitics in Central Asia

“…In essence, this view, in conjunction with the statements of Zheng Bijian noted above, suggests that China is seeking to orient its strategy of "peaceful rise" toward regions where there are less obstacles for the expansion of China's political, economic, strategic and military influence. In this regard an over-arching theme of "engaging the periphery" in China's post-1991 foreign policy, whereby China has sought to construct conducive relations with its immediate neighbors on the basis of shared economic and security concerns/interests, has been observed and commented upon in some detail (Shambaugh 2004/05;Kang 2003). In this context Central Asia has arguably emerged since 1991 to be a path of least resistance as it offered China a strategically "safe" axis for the expansion of its power, as the newly independent Central Asian states sought to diversify their foreign relations in the wake of the Soviet collapse and the absence of a significant US presence (Xiang 2004, 109).…”

The EU-Thailand Relations : Tracing the Patterns of New Bilateralism

“…In the ASEM and the ARF, as will be discussed in greater details below, it is apparent that the EU and Thailand have been supporting the extension of the region-to-region dialogues to the East Asian countries. The recent efforts by the ASEAN countries to explore the possibility of free trade arrangements with China can be seen as their 'double-binding' strategy toward the latter (Kang 2003;Archarya 2003: 153, in: Rüland 2005a. The decision of the ASEAN countries including Thailand to grant the 'Market Economy Status' to China seems to have softened the EU's positions to a considerable extent, thus smoothing the way for the EU to advance in the FTA negotiations.…”

Japan as China's 'other': China's identity and policy towards Diaoyu/Senkaku islands

“…Nevertheless, constructivism with its emphasis on the mutual constitution of the agents has promise to account for the complex relationship between national identity deeply embedded in the historical memory, and the definition of state interests and state action. Moreover, by engaging with the concept of identity we can overcome the difficulties of applying theories based exclusively on the Western experience to the study of Asia (Kang 2003). By emphasizing contingency, constructivist as opposed to rationalist approaches show sensitivity towards China's future, which is very difficult to envision, much less predict as the linear realist and liberal models do (Legro 2007).…”