Getting Pushed Back Further in Line? Racial Alienation and Southern Black Attitudes toward Immigration and Immigrants

Wilkinson, Betina Cutaia; Bingham, Natasha

doi:10.1017/s104909651600007x

Cited by 9 publications

(15 citation statements)

References 14 publications

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“…They found that a strong sense of linked fate to one’s racial group was associated with more restrictive attitudes toward immigration among Whites, but less restrictive attitudes among racial minorities; these authors conclude that Whites attempt to preserve their status at the top of the U.S. racial hierarchy when evaluating immigration, whereas minority groups are more attuned to their own marginalization. Fussell (2014) agrees, arguing that Blacks’ unique historical experience vis-à-vis Whites shapes their opinions toward immigration in ways that are distinct from White public opinion (also see Browne et al 2016; Browne et al 2018; Diamond 1998; Nteta 2013; Wilkinson and Bingham 2016; Williams 2016; Williams and Hannon 2016). At the same time, other research shows that, like Whites, Blacks may still feel economically threatened when immigrant newcomers in their local environment show greater economic advancement and/or substantial increase in size (Browne et al 2018; Fussell 2014; Gay 2006; McClain et al 2007; Telles et al 2011).…”

Section: Literature Review and Theoretical Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

How Does Interracial Contact Among the U.S.-BORN Shape White and Black Receptivity Toward Immigrants?

et al. 2019

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A notable increase in immigration into the United States over the past half century, coupled with its recent geographic dispersion into new communities nationwide, has fueled contact among a wider set of individuals and groups than ever before. Past research has helped us understand Whites’ and Blacks’ attitudes toward immigrants and immigration, and even how contact between Blacks and Whites have shaped their attitudes toward one another. Nevertheless, how contact between Blacks and Whites may correspond with attitudes toward immigrants is not as well understood. Drawing on an original representative survey, we examine U.S.-born Whites’ and Blacks’ attitudes toward Mexican and South Asian Indian immigrants within the context of ongoing relations between the former two U.S.-born communities. Informed by research on the secondary transfer effect (STE), we model how the frequency of contact between U.S.-born Whites and Blacks predicts each group’s receptivity toward two differentially positioned immigrant groups, first-generation Mexicans and South Asian Indians. Multivariate analysis indicates that, among Whites, more frequent contact with Blacks is positively associated with greater receptivity toward both immigrant outgroups, even after controlling for Whites’ individual perceptions of threat, their direct contact with the two immigrant groups, and the perceived quality of such contact. Among Blacks, however, we find less consistent evidence that frequent contact with Whites is associated with attitudes toward either immigrant group. While varied literatures across multiple disciplines have suggested that interracial relations among the U.S.-born may be associated with receptivity toward immigrant newcomers, our results uniquely highlight the importance of considering how U.S.-born groups are positioned in relation to immigrants and to each other when examining such effects.

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Section: Literature Review and Theoretical Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

How Does Interracial Contact Among the U.S.-BORN Shape White and Black Receptivity Toward Immigrants?

et al. 2019

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“…Although a useful starting point, these studies provide relatively little guidance for understanding black opinion toward immigration given the small sample sizes of African Americans in many of these studies (Morris 2000). In response to this limitation, a number of recent studies that have examined African American opinion on immigration (Brader et al 2010;Brown 2010;McClain et al 2008;Nteta 2013;Radostitz 2013;Wilkinson and Bingham 2013;Wilkinson et al 2007). For example, in his examination of African American opinion on Proposition 187, Morris (2000) showed that improved personal financial conditions among black respondents predicted support for prohibiting undocumented immigrants from using public education, health care, and other social services in the state of California.…”

Section: Literature Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Recently, a number of scholars have begun to more closely examine African American opinion on immigration (Brader et al 2010;Brown 2010;Masuoka and Junn 2013;McClain et al 2007McClain et al , 2008Nteta 2013;Wilkinson and Bingham 2013;Wilkinson et al 2007). In line with popular perceptions of black opinion, these studies have found that majorities of African Americans do in fact support restrictive immigration policies and express negative views of undocumented immigrants.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…However, when compared to white opinion, African Americans have been found to express less support for restrictive immigration reforms and exhibit more positive views of undocumented immigrants (Brader et al 2010;Kinder and Sanders 1996;Nteta 2013). In accounting for African American opinion on immigration, these studies have pointed to factors that include economic self-interest (Nteta 2013;Wilkinson and Bingham 2013), group identity (Brader et al 2010;McClain et al 2007), negative views of Asians and Latinos (Wilkinson et al 2007), religiosity (Brown 2010), and contact with immigrants (Morris 2000).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Past Is Prologue: African American Opinion toward Undocumented Immigration

Nteta¹

2014

Social Science History

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Using data from the 2011 Multi-State Survey on Race and Politics (Parker 2011), I ask if African American1 opinion toward undocumented immigration mirrors African American opinion toward immigration from Southern and Eastern Europe in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. I find evidence that contemporary African American opinion does reflect the manner in which a previous generation of African Americans reacted to immigrant newcomers. More specifically, I find that factors associated with past reactions to new immigration, most notably political and economic competition, egalitarianism, the belief that new immigrants are distancing themselves from African Americans, and the belief that restrictive immigration policies were fueled by racism, continue to predict contemporary African American opinion on undocumented immigration. Taken together, I take my findings as evidence that the past may be prologue in accounting for black opinion toward the newest wave of immigration.

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“…Since this study only includes U.S. residents, it is impossible to complete a sound project without exploring the impacts of race and racism. Many scholars have examined the experiences of immigrants in the U.S. in relation to race and racism (see Foner, 2016;Gosin, 2017;Hunter, Case, Joseph, Mekawi, & Bokhari, 2017;Johnson, 2016;Waters, 1999), and some have even compared the experiences of "Black" immigrants to those of African Americans in an attempt to demonstrate intra-racial differences or to expose how modes of white supremacy attempt to pit groups against one another (see Thelamour & Johnson, 2017;Tormala & Deaux, 2011;Waters, 1999;Waters, Kasinitz, & Asad, 2014;Wilkinson & Bingham, 2016). It should be made clear, however, that the purpose of this study is not to compare one ethnic group to another.…”

Section: Race and Ethnicitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Denkyem (Crocodile): identity developement and negotiation among Ghanain-American millennials.

Marie¹

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Coffee at Hikes Point, and the PAS department, you all have played a unique role that have influenced my personal and professional life in a positive way. Thank you.To my haters, thank you for reminding me that those who are the biggest threat are often the target of people like yourselves. I hope you sleep well at night knowing that all of the energy you put in being jealous got you nowhere. I will remind you that you did not break me and that you can refer to me as DR. JAKIA MARIE. iv ABSTRACT DENKYEM: IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT AND NEGOTIATION AMONG GHANAIAN-AMERICAN MILLENNIALS Jakia Marie November 1, 2019Ghanaian immigrants and second-generation Ghanaian-American Millennials are largely ignored in scholarship. Using qualitative methods, this study explored the experiences of Ghanaian-American Millennials who are first, 1.5, and second-generations with the purpose of understanding how they create, negotiate, and re-create identities. Twenty-one individuals were interviewed using a phenomenological approach. The main findings suggest that even though the sample populations were of different immigrant generations, they have some similar experiences, which demonstrates the value in exploring age instead of solely immigrant generation. The findings also suggest that there are a number of complex layers that are involved in identity development and negotiation that become compounded when one is an immigrant or second-generation American. The study closes with suggestions for future research and implications for practice for scholars, policy makers, and community members.

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Getting Pushed Back Further in Line? Racial Alienation and Southern Black Attitudes toward Immigration and Immigrants

Cited by 9 publications

References 14 publications

How Does Interracial Contact Among the U.S.-BORN Shape White and Black Receptivity Toward Immigrants?

How Does Interracial Contact Among the U.S.-BORN Shape White and Black Receptivity Toward Immigrants?

The Past Is Prologue: African American Opinion toward Undocumented Immigration

Denkyem (Crocodile): identity developement and negotiation among Ghanain-American millennials.

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