Getting Rid of Racism: Assessing Three Proposals in Light of Psychological Evidence

Kelly, Daniel; Faucher, Luc; Machery, Édouard

doi:10.1111/j.1467-9833.2010.01495.x

Cited by 25 publications

(16 citation statements)

References 84 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…The acquisition of culture is notoriously difficult to study. Over 70 years of research on the development of person-perception, for example, have made it clear that children as young as 4 years of age have already acquired implicit biases about ethnicity and other socially constructed categories of persons ( Clark and Clark , 1939 ; Clark, 1963 ; Hirschfeld, 1996 ; Machery and Faucher, 2005 ; Aboud and Amato, 2008 ; Kelly et al, 2010 ; Huneman and Machery, 2015 ; Pauker et al, 2016 ). These biases are consistent with the dominant culture of their societies, but are most often not consciously held or explicitly taught by their caregivers and educators.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Cultural Affordances: Scaffolding Local Worlds Through Shared Intentionality and Regimes of Attention

2016

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

In this paper we outline a framework for the study of the mechanisms involved in the engagement of human agents with cultural affordances. Our aim is to better understand how culture and context interact with human biology to shape human behavior, cognition, and experience. We attempt to integrate several related approaches in the study of the embodied, cognitive, and affective substrates of sociality and culture and the sociocultural scaffolding of experience. The integrative framework we propose bridges cognitive and social sciences to provide (i) an expanded concept of ‘affordance’ that extends to sociocultural forms of life, and (ii) a multilevel account of the socioculturally scaffolded forms of affordance learning and the transmission of affordances in patterned sociocultural practices and regimes of shared attention. This framework provides an account of how cultural content and normative practices are built on a foundation of contentless basic mental processes that acquire content through immersive participation of the agent in social practices that regulate joint attention and shared intentionality.

show abstract

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Cultural Affordances: Scaffolding Local Worlds Through Shared Intentionality and Regimes of Attention

2016

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…I strongly agree with theorists such as Danielle Allen (2004) and elizabeth Anderson (2010) that ongoing de facto segregation between social groups is a major cause of inequality and an impediment to just democratic 10. See, e.g., Dixon et al (2012), Kelly, Faucher, and Machery (2010), Pettigrew and Tropp (2006), Putnam (2007), and Shook and Fazio (2008). decision-making, and that, therefore, integration and interaction between members of diverse social groups are deeply important aims. However, given the large body of evidence on the limitations and occasionally counterproductive effects of intergroup contact, it seems to me that we should actively pursue complementary strategies that nudge these interactions in the right direction, and perhaps amplify their debiasing effects.…”

Section: The General Reception Of Counterstereotype and Approach Traimentioning

confidence: 99%

Biased against Debiasing: On the Role of (Institutionally Sponsored) Self-Transformation in the Struggle against Prejuice

Madva¹

2017

Ergo, an Open Access Journal of Philosophy

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Research suggests that interventions involving extensive training or counterconditioning can reduce implicit prejudice and stereotyping, and even susceptibility to stereotype threat. This research is widely cited as providing an "existence proof" that certain entrenched social attitudes are capable of change, but is summarily dismissed-by philosophers, psychologists, and activists alike-as lacking direct, practical import for the broader struggle against prejudice, discrimination, and inequality. Criticisms of these debiasing procedures fall into three categories: concerns about empirical efficacy, about practical feasibility, and about the failure to appreciate the underlying structural-institutional nature of discrimination. I reply to these criticisms of debiasing, and argue that a comprehensive strategy for combating prejudice and discrimination should include a central role for training our biases away. IntroductionMore than a decade of research suggests that implicit biases can be transformed (or at least considerably weakened) by interventions that involve extensive training or counterconditioning. In particular, Kerry Kawakami and colleagues have demonstrated the benefits of: counterstereotype training, which involves repeatedly affirming counterstereotypes, for example, by responding "yes" to an image of a black person paired with the word "friendly," or by repeatedly pairing images of women with words like "powerful" and "courageous;" and In addition to reducing bias on a variety of indirect measures, including the Implicit Association Test (IAT), these training procedures:• reorient unreflective social behaviors, for example, by leading white and Asian participants to instinctively sit closer to a black interlocutor; • make stereotypes less likely to come to mind and color judgment, for example, by reducing the likelihood that participants recommend hiring a man over an equally qualified woman; and • reduce susceptibility to stereotype threat, for example, by improving women's performance on math tests even though they have just been reminded of pervasive stereotypes about gender and mathematical aptitude, and would otherwise feel anxiety and underperform.While this research is often cited as providing a sort of "existence proof" that certain entrenched social attitudes are capable of change, it is summarily dismissed by social scientists, philosophers, and activists as lacking direct, practical import for the broader struggle against prejudice and discrimination. For example, David Schneider's 568-page opus on social cognition, The Psychology of Stereotyping, devotes only a single paragraph to this research on "retraining," concluding that, "Obviously, in everyday life people are not likely to get such deliberate training" (2004, 423). I find the widespread dismissal of these training procedures puzzling. Implicit biases influence whom we trust and whom we ignore, whom we promote and for whom we vote. They affect interactions between teachers and students, doctors and patients, police and civilians, ...

show abstract

“…Indeed, many suggestions have been made about how best to deal with them, and empirical research continues to investigate the most effective ways to curb and contain their influence. 26 None of those suggestions proposes that we simply ignore the existence of biases or categorically refuse to take account of them as a solution to implicit bias-driven prejudice. This kind of ostrich response is still depressingly widespread, and it is part of the problem.…”

Section: A Sceptical Response To the Conservation Thesismentioning

confidence: 99%

Against the Yuck Factor: On the Ideal Role of Disgust in Society

Kelly¹,

Morar²

2014

Utilitas

Self Cite

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The view we defend is that in virtue of its nature, disgust is not fit to do any moral or social work whatsoever, and that there are no defensible uses for disgust in legal or political institutions. We first describe our favoured empirical theory of the nature of disgust. Turning from descriptive to normative issues, we address the best arguments in favour of granting disgust the power to justify certain judgements, and to serve as a social tool, respectively. Daniel Kahan advances a pair of theses that suggest disgust is indispensable (Moral Indispensability Thesis), and so has an important part to play in the functioning of a just, well-ordered society (Conservation Thesis). We develop responses and show how they rebut the arguments given in support of each thesis. We conclude that any society free of social disgust would be more just, reasonable and compassionate.

show abstract

Getting Rid of Racism: Assessing Three Proposals in Light of Psychological Evidence

Cited by 25 publications

References 84 publications

Cultural Affordances: Scaffolding Local Worlds Through Shared Intentionality and Regimes of Attention

Cultural Affordances: Scaffolding Local Worlds Through Shared Intentionality and Regimes of Attention

Biased against Debiasing: On the Role of (Institutionally Sponsored) Self-Transformation in the Struggle against Prejuice

Against the Yuck Factor: On the Ideal Role of Disgust in Society

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About