Gezi Movement and the Networked Public Sphere: A Comparative Analysis in Global Context

Vatikiotis, Pantelis; Yörük, Zafer Fehmi

doi:10.1177/2056305116662184

Cited by 25 publications

(17 citation statements)

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“…The Iranian government is selective in its censorship of the illegal social media posts from citizens but tends to exercise tightest censorship around elections. [26][27][28][29][30][31][32][33][34][35][36][37][38][39] Based on this knowledge of general censorship patterns, messages surrounding major events in the ongoing social revolution are included as examples of continued selective censorship in Table 2 above.…”

Section: Description Of Social Mediamentioning

confidence: 99%

Why Regimes Repress: The Factors that Lead to Censorship of Social Media

Hasan¹

2019

AJUR

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Social media have made it easier to create mass political action. Prominent examples include the Arab Spring movements, which took place in regions where information was previously tightly controlled by authoritarian regimes. Fearing radical change, several regimes have repressed social media use, but not all authoritarian regimes have taken the same measures. Previous research suggests that regime leadership is motivated to ensure its own survival but also influenced by a strong independent media and the need for citizens to vent grievances. To understand the relationship of these factors to social media repression, this research conducts a comparative process-tracing case study of Iran, Turkey, and Venezuela from 2004 to 2017, using a hypothesis-testing approach. It concludes with discussion of the findings for the nature of regime response to the role of social media in protest. KEYWORDS: Internet; Media; Protest; Authoritarian; Iran; Turkey; Venezuela; Comparative; Case-Study

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Section: Description Of Social Mediamentioning

confidence: 99%

Why Regimes Repress: The Factors that Lead to Censorship of Social Media

Hasan¹

2019

AJUR

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“…According to Mason (2013), the Turkish urban middle class made up the majority of the protesters, calling to his mind the Commune of Paris. Vatikiotis and Yörük (2016) claimed that the Gezi protest movement shared many features with the 2011 uprisings in the Middle East, Europe, and the United States. They also claim that 'the employment of social networking sites (in addition to older web applications and Internet tools) along with the use of mobile media has been a common characteristic of the recent protest movements, facilitating their mobilisation and/or organisation ' (2016, p. 2).…”

Section: The Gezi Park Protestsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Between May 29, 2013 and June 10, 2013, the daily use of Twitter in Turkey increased from 1.8 to 10 million tweets. There were more than 20 hashtags related to the protests that became the most popular worldwide trending topics, and among them, six hashtags went over the one million messages per day barrier (Vatikiotis and Yörük, 2016). Unlike some other recent uprisings, around 90 percent of all geo-located tweets came from within Turkey, and 50 percent from within Istanbul.…”

Section: The Gezi Park Protestsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The physical space of Gezi Park, which according to Vatikiotis and Yörük (2016) was transformed into a new public sphere by this new networked social movement, was crossed by growing and continuous flows of audiovisual and text communication, channelled through the protesters' ICT. The Turkish government responded by attempting to interrupt or block this flow, and often cut off internet access or limited its use.…”

Section: The Gezi Park Protestsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Twitter or Radio Revolutions? The Central Role of Açık Radyo in the Gezi Protests of 2013

Bonini

2017

Westminster Papers in Communication and Culture

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“…Avcı (2014) underlined social media's role to connect bodies within public spaces that otherwise would remain isolated within the context of a TV-based communication. Vatikiotis and Yörük (2016) discussed how social media redefined the public sphere and citizenship in the age of networked movements.…”

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confidence: 99%

Bibliographie

Pérouse¹,

Gilles²,

Pinto³

et al.

Ambiguités Turques

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This article analyzes political trolling in Turkey through the lens of mediated populism.Twitter trolling in Turkey has diverged from its original uses (i.e., poking fun, flaming, etc.) toward government-led polarization and right-wing populism. Failing to develop an effective strategy to mobilize online masses, Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (JDP/AKP) relied on the polarizing performances of a large progovernment troll army. Trolls deploy three features of JDP's populism: serving the people, fetish of the will of the people, and demonization. Whereas trolls traditionally target and mock institutions, Turkey's political trolls act on behalf of the establishment. They produce a digital culture of lynching and censorship. Trolls' language also impacts pro-JDP journalists who act like trolls and attack journalists, academics, and artists critical of the government. Keywords: trolls, mediated populism, Turkey, political polarization, TwitterTurkish media has undergone a transformation during the uninterrupted tenure of the ruling Justice and Development Party (JDP) since 2002. Not supported by the mainstream media when it first came to power, JDP created its own media army and transformed the mainstream media's ideological composition. What has, however, destabilized the entire media environment was the Gezi Park protests of summer 2013.1 Activists' use of social media not only facilitated political organizing, but also turned the news environment upside down. Having recognized that the mainstream media was not trustworthy, oppositional groups migrated to social media for organizing and producing content. 1 Gezi refers to the nationwide antigovernment protests that spanned the period between June and September 2013, which were sparked by a municipal decision to replace a small park in central Istanbul with a shopping mall (Yörük, 2014). Ergin Bulut and Erdem YörükInternational Journal of Communication 11 (2017) Since the Gezi protests, researchers have examined various dimensions of social media:alternative journalism (Ataman & Çoban, 2015), satirical linguistic production (Yeşilyurt, 2016), statesocial media corporation negotiations (Bulut, 2016), and political organizing (Baruh & Watson, 2016 Coskuntuncel (2016, pp. 12-13) argued that the Turkish government's censorship policies should be understood within the framework of privatization of governance, in which government censorship itself is outsourced to private intermediaries. Drawing on linguistic anthropology, Koçer (2015) examined the performances of the elite in constructing social media as a criminal realm using a divisive discourse.Despite the insights, this literature overlooks how trolls in social media-specifically Twitter-are strategic tools for the state to energize citizens. Examining Twitter trolls' language within the context of populism enables us to understand power networks and discourses through which trolls not only disrupt political conversations, but also consolidate government's power by networking scattered masses. addi...

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Gezi Movement and the Networked Public Sphere: A Comparative Analysis in Global Context

Cited by 25 publications

References 16 publications

Why Regimes Repress: The Factors that Lead to Censorship of Social Media

Why Regimes Repress: The Factors that Lead to Censorship of Social Media

Twitter or Radio Revolutions? The Central Role of Açık Radyo in the Gezi Protests of 2013

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