Global Governance and the Democratic Deficit: stifling the voice of the South

Glenn, John

doi:10.1080/01436590701806798

Cited by 21 publications

(16 citation statements)

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“…9 This principle of global deliberative equality obviously needs to be given greater content if it is to become a serious candidate for contributing to the fairness of the global public forum. Suggestive and more detailed discussions about evaluating and reforming existing mechanisms of global governance along similar lines can be found in Ronzoni (2009), Glenn (2008, and Nanz and Steffek (2005). 10 An interesting counter-argument in favour of applying the requirements of global public reason to actors within global civil society is presented in Brown (2010: 49-53).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 97%

Deliberation beyond Borders: The Public Reason of a Society of Peoples

Smith¹

2011

Journal of International Political Theory

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The aim of this article is to contribute to the elaboration of a deliberative approach to global institutional design. A deliberative approach aims to embed processes of mutual reason-giving at the heart of international relations and global decision-making. The theoretical framework that orientates this discussion is the liberal approach to international law developed by John Rawls. It may seem strange to invoke this model: after all, Rawls does not specifically discuss the issue of global institutional design and indeed has been widely criticized for neglecting this topic. In fact, in its account of global public reason, Rawls's approach can be shown to contain important and surprisingly neglected resources for constructing a dynamic and inclusive theory of global deliberative politics.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 97%

Deliberation beyond Borders: The Public Reason of a Society of Peoples

Smith¹

2011

Journal of International Political Theory

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“…In fact, the US contributes a greater portion of their funding than vote share they receive. That said, the US retains, with their 16.82 percent vote share in the IMF and 16.28 percent in the WB, the ability to veto key decisions, which, due to their legal structure, require 85 percent majority support to pass (Glenn 2008). Therefore, the US is able to constrain IMF and WB initiatives to reflect their own interests.…”

Section: Us Privilege Within Gg and China's Attempts At Rivalrymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Blocking key decisions in the IMF only requires 15 percent voting dissent (Glenn 2008). Presently, the OECD collectively holds 63.2 percent of vote share with the G7 alone holding 43.7 percent (Glenn 2008).…”

Section: The International Monetary Fund and World Bankmentioning

confidence: 99%

China’s Challenge to the Institutions of Global Governance and US Soft Power

Oddleifson

2020

PSUR

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China stands on the brink of surpassing the US in material capability and is pushing the world towards an increasingly multipolar order. This paper assesses the constraints on the growth of China's non-coercive influence in global politics. However, the constitutional groundings of global economic governance in US ideology and their institutional stickiness make China’s prospects of altering the mandates and structures of the IMF, WB, and WTO highly unlikely. Furthermore, by examining the outcomes of China's lending strategies in developing countries using Angola as a case study, this paper highlights China's inability to supplant growing IMF and WB agreements in developing countries and their failure to institutionalize their influence in partner countries. In sum, this paper concludes that liberal values, and by extension the non-coercive influence of the US, are likely to be upheld during China's rise by the institutions of global governance, namely the International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and World Trade Organisation.

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“…One important advantage in comparison with that time is that countries today operate under a more robust and resilient global institutional architecture. There are flaws and issues associated with international institutions and organizations:democratic deficits and institutional power being exercised indirectly through them are among the key ones that rightly continue to occupy the attention of scholars and policymakers (Barnett & Duvall, ; Glenn, ). Nevertheless, the United Nations, the World Trade Organization, the World Bank, Asia‐Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), and other institutions whose charge it is to maintain peaceful relations and strong economic ties, provide viable institutional alternatives to autarky and conquest.…”

Section: Economic Interdependence and International Institutionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Economic Interdependence and International Conflict: Situating China's Economic and Military Rise

Leon

2017

Asian Politics and Policy

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Many scholars have argued that systemic risks of conflicts tend to increase at critical junctures of power transitions or major power shifts. This article examines the economic and military rise of China and the challenges that it both faces and poses in East Asia, especially in relation to the United States. Specifically, it connects issues of power projection and parity, trade, and interdependence, as well as international institutions and governance to underscore the need for continued economic engagement and institutional enmeshment to lessen the likelihood of militarized conflict in the region.

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Global Governance and the Democratic Deficit: stifling the voice of the South

Cited by 21 publications

References 0 publications

Deliberation beyond Borders: The Public Reason of a Society of Peoples

Deliberation beyond Borders: The Public Reason of a Society of Peoples

China’s Challenge to the Institutions of Global Governance and US Soft Power

Economic Interdependence and International Conflict: Situating China's Economic and Military Rise

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