Abstract:A pressing question at the forefront of current global political debates is: how can we salvage the democratic project in the context of globalization? In recent years, political activists have mounted high-profile campaigns for the democratization of powerful international institutions such as the World Bank and IMF, and for greater ‘corporate accountability’. In turn, many of the NGOs linked to these campaigns have themselves faced demands for greater democratic legitimacy. Through reflecting on the democrat… Show more
“…First, non-electoral representatives are treated as a singular class of agents who either require or evade the need for democratic legitimation. Saward (2009;, Macdonald (2008), Montanaro 2012, Näsström (2015) and numerous others contend that, because non-electoral representatives (potentially) affect others, they require democratic legitimation. In contrast, Ruth Grant and Robert Keohane (2005) and Jennifer Rubenstein (2014) suggest that international nonelectoral representatives should have their power checked but do not see the need for democratic curtailment.…”
Section: The Constructivist Turn and Non-electoral Representationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Saward (2009, 8) specifically states that "non-elective representative claims can enact principles that also figure heavily with regard to elections". Terry Macdonald (2008) and Montanaro (2012) The next section provides a response to both issues raised. I argue that non-electoral representatives should be judged by their position in a democratic system.…”
Section: The Constructivist Turn and Non-electoral Representationmentioning
This article explores the relationship between non-electoral representatives and democratic legitimacy by combining the recent constructivist turn in political representation with systemic work in deliberative theory. Two core arguments are advanced. First, non-electoral representatives should be judged by their position in a wider democratic system. Second, deliberative democracy offers a productive toolkit by which to evaluate these agents. I develop a framework of systemic representation which depicts the elemental parts of a democratic system and assigns normative standards according to the space occupied. The framework gives priority of democratic analysis to the systemic level. This helps mitigate a central concern in the constructivist turn which suggests that representatives mobilize constituencies in ways that are susceptible to framing and manipulation. I engage in case-study analysis of the collapsed Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement to unpack the different spaces occupied by non-electoral representative and elucidate the varied democratic demands that hinge on this positioning.
“…First, non-electoral representatives are treated as a singular class of agents who either require or evade the need for democratic legitimation. Saward (2009;, Macdonald (2008), Montanaro 2012, Näsström (2015) and numerous others contend that, because non-electoral representatives (potentially) affect others, they require democratic legitimation. In contrast, Ruth Grant and Robert Keohane (2005) and Jennifer Rubenstein (2014) suggest that international nonelectoral representatives should have their power checked but do not see the need for democratic curtailment.…”
Section: The Constructivist Turn and Non-electoral Representationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Saward (2009, 8) specifically states that "non-elective representative claims can enact principles that also figure heavily with regard to elections". Terry Macdonald (2008) and Montanaro (2012) The next section provides a response to both issues raised. I argue that non-electoral representatives should be judged by their position in a democratic system.…”
Section: The Constructivist Turn and Non-electoral Representationmentioning
This article explores the relationship between non-electoral representatives and democratic legitimacy by combining the recent constructivist turn in political representation with systemic work in deliberative theory. Two core arguments are advanced. First, non-electoral representatives should be judged by their position in a wider democratic system. Second, deliberative democracy offers a productive toolkit by which to evaluate these agents. I develop a framework of systemic representation which depicts the elemental parts of a democratic system and assigns normative standards according to the space occupied. The framework gives priority of democratic analysis to the systemic level. This helps mitigate a central concern in the constructivist turn which suggests that representatives mobilize constituencies in ways that are susceptible to framing and manipulation. I engage in case-study analysis of the collapsed Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement to unpack the different spaces occupied by non-electoral representative and elucidate the varied democratic demands that hinge on this positioning.
“…This suggests a more plausible defence of the Inclusion Thesis based on the so-called Stakeholder Principle of democratic inclusion (Macdonald 2008(Macdonald , 2012Bauböck 2007Bauböck , 2015Bauböck , 2018Lampert 2015). On this view, democratic inclusion is due when individuals 1 Some authors sharply distinguish between legitimacy and authority taking democracy to be strictly a matter of the latter rather than a former (see Garthoff 2010).…”
Section: Democratic Legitimacy In Refugee Admissionmentioning
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