“Gotta Catch ‘Em All!”: Pokémon, Cultural Practice and Object Networks

Abstract

The Pokémon franchise is over seventeen years old, a networked assemblage of heterogeneous elements (manga, gaming, toys, anime) that is also constitutive of new knowledges around both consumerism and commodification. This paper explores how all of the elements of this franchise, from the brand, to the various media platforms, to the Pokémon trainers, to the pocket monsters themselves (the non-human objects) as well as the designers and the consumers (the humans) function as objects in the construction of a social network. In so doing it seeks to understand not only how the franchise functions but also how the objects in this franchise (particularly the nonhuman Pokémon creatures and trainers) work in tandem to connect audiences to very specifically Japanese ideas of the "national imagination" (folklore, spiritualism, the supernatural) and environmental concerns (biodiversity, the struggle between conservation and containment) through the larger consumerist framework of acquisition and play structured as cultural practice. In this way, it is argued, that the Pokémon object network functions as a gateway into Japanese culture more broadly and a channel through which Japanese culture is itself mainstreamed internationally.

A Pokébalancing Act: The Management Of Japanese Cultural “odor” In Pokémon

“…Pokémon becomes an artifact where the known and the unknown are joined to form a site where cultural capital can be generated and exchanged between people; children in this particular case. Bainbridge (2014a) examines Pokémon and its products as facilitative commodities that allow people to "connect" to "Japanese" ideas concerning such things as materialism and the environment. He argues that because of Pokémon's inherent themes of socialization and networking, it permits "analysis of the textual nuances of Pokémon and the way it uses its media power to articulate […] the popular imaginary and the national concerns of Japan" (p. 12).…”

“…"Pokémon" -referring to both the multimedia franchise as well as the fantastical creatures comprising its narrative -is derived as an Anglicized portmanteau from its original Japanese title "Pocket Monsters" (Patten, 2004). The Pokémon franchise first began as a video game in Japan in 1996, then was adapted into a manga in the summer of that year, which after popular acclaim led to the release of a trading card game and the airing of the anime in spring 1997 in Japan and then a feature theatrical film in 1998 (Bainbridge, 2014a;Iwabuchi, 2004;O'Hagan, 2006). In September of 1998, the North American release of the first generation of the (Bainbridge, 2014b;Nintendo Press Release, 1998;Iwabuchi, 2004).…”

“…Drazen (2003) argues that the anime was partially successful due to its ability to appeal to both boys and girls. Bainbridge (2014a) notes that the kawaii (cute) Pokémon appealed to girls while tsuyoi (strong) Pokémon appealed to boys. Iwabuchi (2004) notes that Pokémon appeals to gendered cultural notions of "cuteness" and "coolness," permitting people to identify with favored characters according to personal tastes.…”

“…In the digital realm, however, Allison (2006) argues objects can be practical, decorative, and indicative of an individual's expertise. Bainbridge (2014a) notes that this capitalistic theme is furthered by Pokémon's mode of acquisition: "Pokémon are 'got' in a spherical pokéball modelled after the Japanes [sic] gashapon balls that can be bought in machines, usually containing some small toy or mass-produced 'collectible'" (Bainbridge, 2014, p. 404). Here, the commodity-Pokémon are tied to Japanese culture through the articulation of gashapon represented within the franchise.…”

“…Bainbridge (2014a) examines Pokémon's relationship with environmentalism and Japan's relationship with the natural world. He notes the insect collecting hobby of Taji -the creator of Pokémon -as instrumental in developing the stories and themes of the Pokémon franchise's world.…”