Governing immigrants and citizenship regimes: the case of France, 1950s–1990s

Beyond Informal Citizenship: The New Moral Economy of Migrant Illegality1

“…The notion aims to “unveil the ethics of contemporary states when it comes to the evaluation of difference” (Fassin :366) . Yet it also seeks to capture the more immanent logics that generate the multidimensional scale on which migrant civic value is being agonistically defined and measured, by migrants themselves and by states, their supporters, and their detractors, within and beyond illegality (see Fischer ; Squire ; McNevin ; Nicholls ; Nyers and Rygiel ; and Schinkel for legal and postmigrants). In this section, we describe the operations by which unauthorized residents are being framed both as civic culprits to be punished and as civic minors expected to deserve present and future membership through good moral, economic, and bureaucratic performance…”

Local electoral rights for non-French residents? A case-study analysis of British candidates and councillors in French municipal elections

“…Immigrant integration, alien suffrage and expansive citizenship rights have become deeply political issues for many western countries, including France (Nicholls 2012). Academics have responded with theoretical ideas through which citizenship and franchise could be granted to expand alien suffrage beyond nationality and/or citizenship criteria (Bauböck 2005(Bauböck , 2008Kostakopoulou 2008;Bauder 2012Bauder , 2014.…”

“…The 'outsider' status of the Sans-Papiers and other irregular residents in France emerges in contrast with 'insider' status based on a normative connection between nationality, citizenship and political rights (Lefebvre 2003). Histories of French politics surrounding immigration and citizen rights demonstrate the national character of French citizenship that has persisted through dynamic citizenship regimes, which have been implemented by successive governments in the name of republican universalism and anti-particularism (Lefebvre 2003;Nicholls 2012). The 'national character' of French citizenship emphasises community coherence based on a common language, shared history and culture that underpins national norms and values that could be acquired through national institutions such as schools and the army (Brubaker 1992, Nicholls 2012.…”

“…With the legalisation of European Union (EU) citizenship in 1992, the French government was obliged to adjust its constitution and expand electoral rights to enfranchise resident non-French EU citizens in local municipal elections 1 (Strudel 2002(Strudel , 2003Arrighi 2014Arrighi , 2018. Granting alien suffrage, albeit on a partial basis at local rather than national level, and to a specific group of non-French residents, was deeply controversial for a state that privileges close links between nationality, citizenship and political rights, and considers the social diversity of resident foreigners a potential threat to republican values (Lefebvre 2003;Nicholls 2012). At the same time, this process enabled new opportunities for incorporation and political belonging for non-French EU citizens at the local level, while effectively reinforcing the exclusion of third country nationals (non-EU citizens) (Day and Shaw 2002;Preuss et al 2003).…”

‘Terrorist’ citizens and the human right to nationality

“…According to Bertossi and Hajjat (2012) since 2003 every new immigration law has also affected nationality law, leading to the rather paradoxical situation where nationality as a concept is no longer at the heart of debates on the future of French citizenship. The notion of laïcité and the conflict between French republican values and Islam drive debates on French citizenship, in which the allegiance of dual French-Algerian citizens figures strongly (Nicholls 2012;Weil 2008). French anti-terrorism legislation reflects an increasing nexus between security and immigration, while riots and violent clashes with the police in France's poor immigrant neighborhoods start to be addressed as security threats.…”