Gradual or abrupt? The phonetic path to morphologisation

Strycharczuk, Patrycja; Scobbie, James M.

doi:10.1016/j.wocn.2016.09.003

Cited by 20 publications

(23 citation statements)

References 29 publications

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“…Here we use extensive automatic image processing of raw ultrasound data, and present a new dynamic analysis able to capture subtle and gradient intra-segmental changes in tongue shape and location throughout the entire vowel plus lateral segmental sequence. This goes beyond our previous findings based on tongue-surface shapes at single segmental measurement points, while confirming that all speakers articulate /uːl/ differently in hula and fool-ing (Strycharczuk & Scobbie, 2016). Then, extending the automated analysis method to ultrasound recordings of pairs such as bully and pull-ing, we find that /ʊl/ sequences may or may not differ as a function of the morphological structure, depending on the speaker.…”

Section: Introductionsupporting

confidence: 84%

“…As far as the temporal dimension is concerned, the difference between monomorphemes and morphologically-complex words, if present, is consistently found already at the vowel onset, as shown in Strycharczuk & Scobbie (2016) Table 2: Means and standard deviations (in ms) for the duration of vowel + /l/ depending on the vowel and the condition (averaged across speakers).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 89%

“…In addition, each participant was recorded swallowing water, in order to image the hard palate, and biting on a piece of plastic (a bite plate) while pushing the tongue up to make contact, in order to image the occlusal plane (Scobbie et al, 2011). We used the images of the hard palate and the occlusal plane in visual exploration of the data, and in our previous work (Strycharczuk & Scobbie, 2016), but not in the analysis reported in Section 2.4.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In a recent study, we analyzed the articulatory properties of the contrast between words like hula and fool-ing in Southern British English (Strycharczuk & Scobbie, 2016). Within monomorphemic words, the vowel is relatively front and the /l/ is clear.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In some cases, this morphologically-conditioned difference may create minimal pairs, e.g., ruler ([ɹʉ:lə] 'measuring device') and rul-er ([ɹu:ɫə], 'leader of a country'). In Strycharczuk & Scobbie (2016), we considered whether the difference between monomorphemic and morphologically complex words in this case can be convincingly analyzed as involving allophonic oppositions, as predicted by the life-cycle model. We argued that this is not the case, since the phonetic difference between the two conditions may involve very subtle articulatory adjustments which are not categorical, and thus not unambiguously allophonic.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Whence the fuzziness? Morphological effects in interacting sound changes in Southern British English

Strycharczuk

Scobbie

2017

Laboratory Phonology

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The fronting of the high-back /uː/ and /ʊ/, as currently seen in Southern British English (SBE), is a rare opportunity to study two similar sound changes at different stages of their phonetic development: /uː/-fronting is a more advanced change than /ʊ/-fronting. Since the fronting in both vowels is restricted from applying before a following final /l/ (e.g., in words like fool or pull), we can exploit the difference in the phonetic advancement of /uː/ and /ʊ/-fronting to illuminate the nature of 'fuzzy contrasts' affecting vowel+/l/ sequences in morphologically complex words. As recent results show that /uː/-fronting is partially limited in fool-ing (but not in monomorphemes like hula), we ask whether similar morphological constraints affect /ʊ/ followed by /l/ (e.g., bully vs. pull-ing). Simultaneously, we consider the question of what phonological generalization best captures the interaction between vowel fronting, /l/-darkening, and morphological structure. We present ultrasound data from 20 speakers of SBE representing two age groups. The data show that morphologically conditioned contrasts are consistent for /uː/+/l/, but variable and limited in size for /ʊ/+/l/. We relate these findings to the debate on morphology-phonetics interactions and the emergence of phonological abstraction.

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Section: Introductionsupporting

confidence: 84%

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 89%

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 3 more Smart Citations

Whence the fuzziness? Morphological effects in interacting sound changes in Southern British English

Strycharczuk

Scobbie

2017

Laboratory Phonology

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The coarticulation-duration relationship in early Quechua speech

Cychosz

2021

Journal of Phonetics

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Evidence from acoustic and articulatory phonetics suggests that children coarticulate more than adults, but previous work has focused on the instantiation of coarticulation with phonology in a typologically homogeneous sample. The interplay of coarticulation with children's speaking rate has also been ignored. How do coarticulation and speaking rate (duration) interact over the course of development, and does the interaction manifest differently across distinct morphological environments? To answer this, the current study measured the speech patterns of bilingual Quechua-Spanish children (5-10 years) and adults. Coarticulation and duration were measured in two word environments, within morphemes and across morpheme boundaries. Unsurprisingly, adults consistently coarticulated more in shorter duration sequences, in both morphological environments. The children's coarticulation-duration patterns, however, varied by morphological environment. Additionally, the children's speech patterns, but not the adults', were sensitive to prosodic length: children produced increasingly shorter phones in words with more syllables. It is suggested that the differences between adults and children are attributable to adults' faster speaking rate and increased dominance in Quechua.

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