Grammatical innovation in multiethnic urban Europe: New linguistic practices among adolescents

Wiese, Heike

doi:10.1016/j.lingua.2008.11.002

Cited by 115 publications

(76 citation statements)

References 17 publications

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“…We disagree with this assessment, as per definition, a dialect is a regionally distributed variant of a language. Rather, we argue that Hood German is its own speaking style (Hay, Jannedy, and Mendoza-Denton 2010), which has been observed in Berlin (Wiese 2009(Wiese , 2012Jannedy 2012;Jannedy and Weirich 2013), but also in Böblingen, Munich, Nürnberg, and Urbach near Stuttgart, (Füglein 2000, cited in Auer 2003, Frankfurt (Tertilt 1996), Hamburg (Auer 2003;Dirim and Auer 2004), and Mannheim (Keim 2008). Descriptions include primarily only morphosyntactic alternations (Füglein 2000).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 68%

“…This is because both labels reflect the presumed speakers of this vernacular, namely the children and grandchildren of the first Turkish migrants to Germany. The name Kiezdeutsch, a compound built from the noun Kiez meaning neighborhood plus the noun Deutsch meaning German, refers to the locale where this variety is spoken rather than the speakers (Wiese 2009(Wiese , 2012. It is meant to denote the German spoken in local neighborhoods in urban areas.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Moreover, they argue, the large number of monoethnic Germans using the urban youth-style variety speaks against a learner variety. That is, not only second, third, and fourth generation migrant speakers with different language backgrounds speak this primary ethnolect (Auer 2003) but also monolingual German adolescents who were born, raised, and socialized in Germany and live in the same neighborhoods (Dirim and Auer 2004;Wiese 2009Wiese , 2012. In this paper, we will refer to the latter group of adolescents as monoethnic speakers.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Sound change in an urban setting: Category instability of the palatal fricative in Berlin

Jannedy

Weirich

2014

Laboratory Phonology

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Abstract:The differential categorization of identical stimuli depending on the presence of a prime is described as a perceptual divergence effect. We examined whether native listeners of the Berlin vernacular of German categorized identical acoustic stimuli differently in the explicit context of the names of two different districts of Berlin, assuming that listeners infer social information and linguistic stereotypes based on the names of these neighborhoods (Kreuzberg vs. Zehlendorf). All listeners categorized natural acoustic stimuli with synthetic fricatives synthesized along a continuum ranging from /ç/ to /ʃ/ as either Fichte /fɪçtə/ ('spruce') or fischte /fɪʃtə/ (1st person sg. 'to fish'). This variable was chosen because many young multiethnic speakers of Berlin German pronounce /ç/ as [ ʃ ] or [ɕ], and this alternation is highly associated with speakers with a migrant background from Kreuzberg. Data were gathered in a forced-choice identification task, and, for a subset of the participants, reaction times (RTs) were also gathered. Results indicate a differential categorization pattern depending on (1) the copresented information, i.e., Kreuzberg, Zehlendorf, or none (control), and (2) the age of the listeners, with older listeners being more affected by the co-presented information. While older listeners categorized significantly more /ʃ/ sounds in the context of Kreuzberg than in the control or Zehlendorf condition, younger listeners rated most /ʃ/ sounds in the control condition (no added information). Results are interpreted in terms of a potential sound change in progress: the loss of the phoneme contrast between /ç/ and /ʃ/.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 68%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Sound change in an urban setting: Category instability of the palatal fricative in Berlin

Jannedy

Weirich

2014

Laboratory Phonology

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“…Examining GEs in two distinct languages is thus a step towards understanding the underlying crosslinguistic differences. Finally, recent studies have pointed to the emergence of multiethnolectal speech repertoires in Western capitals, which continue to be seen as important motors of variation and change (Cheshire et al 2011, Wiese 2009). …”

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confidence: 99%

Discourse-pragmatic variation in Paris French and London English: Insights from general extenders

Secova

2017

Journal of Pragmatics

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This paper examines the use of general extenders (GEs), such as and stuff in English and et tout in French, in Paris French and London English. We aim to compare the social and the linguistic conditioning of extender use in the two languages, discuss the different kinds of spread in the two cities and reflect on the specificity of discourse-pragmatic variation.The study shows that GE forms as well as frequencies vary across factors such as gender, age and ethnicity, while some variants also appear to be grammaticalising and acquiring new pragmatic functions. The analysis includes a comparison of different age groups, and finds that different types of generational change may be occurring in both languages.In London, forms such as and stuff and and that diverge along ethnic lines, whereas in Paris et tout is becoming the dominant variant across the board. While different variants in both languages are indirectly associated with different social categories, they perform similar pragmatic functions such as hedging, marking solidarity and appealing to common knowledge between the speaker and the interlocutor(s).

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“…"Türken-slang" (Auer 2003), "Türkendeutsch" (Kern und Selting 2006;Kern 2013), "multiethnisches Deutsch" (Dittmar 2013) und "Kiezsprache/Kiezdeutsch" (Wiese 2006, Wiese 2009Jannedy 2010;Canoğlu 2012;Du Bois 2013;te Velde 2016). Wir werden im Folgenden den Begriff " Kiezdeutsch" verwenden (vgl.…”

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„Ich geh Kino“ oder „… ins Kino“?

Wiese¹,

Pohle²

2016

Zeitschrift Für Sprachwissenschaft

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This paper analyses usage restrictions on such noncanonical local expressions as Ich geh Kino 'I go cinema' compared to canonical full PPs with DP complement (… ins Kino 'to the cinema'). In public discourse, bare local NPs have become emblematic for Kiezdeutsch, a new way of speaking from multiethnic urban Germany, although they also appear in informal language elsewhere. We present results from two studies investigating the use of noncanonical versus canonical options.Study 1 targets grammatical restrictions, based on a corpus of peer group conversations among adolescents. We show that noncanonical variants have the form of bare NPs with or without preposition and appear in both multilingual and monolingual speech communities, following the same syntactic and semantic patterns. While there is a quantitative advantage for the multilingual group, noncanonical variants generally constitute only a minority compared to canonical full PP [DP].Study 2 targets usage restrictions across communicative situations, based on a corpus of elicited productions by adolescents from a multilingual urban neighbourhood. Comparisons show significantly more noncanonical local expressions in informal, peer-group situations than in formal ones for both spoken and written modes.Taken together, results indicate a selective, grammatically restricted and register-bound choice of noncanonical local expressions.

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Grammatical innovation in multiethnic urban Europe: New linguistic practices among adolescents

Cited by 115 publications

References 17 publications

Sound change in an urban setting: Category instability of the palatal fricative in Berlin

Sound change in an urban setting: Category instability of the palatal fricative in Berlin

Discourse-pragmatic variation in Paris French and London English: Insights from general extenders

„Ich geh Kino“ oder „… ins Kino“?

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