IntroductionOne of the most distinctive features of food policy is arguably its fragmentation. Researchers have widely demonstrated that food policies, where they exist, are characterized by a siloed or sector-based) approach that fails to recognize the structural interdependencies between food and other resources (particularly water and energy) and between food and other sectors (e.g., the environment, housing, transportation, waste management, infrastructure, etc.) (Lang and Barling, 2012;Artioli et al., 2017;Mendes and Sonnino, 2018). Part of the problem is that food sits within a global governance context that is also very fragmented, with responsibilities, jurisdictions and priorities often spread across a broad range of organizations and institutionsnone of which has the capacity to address problems holistically (von Braun, 2009;Candel, 2014;McKeon, 2015;Moragues-Faus et al., 2017).The literature has extensively criticized the inconsistencies, overlaps and gaps (Slade et al., 2016: 37) produced by fragmented food policies and governance, calling for enhanced coherence and coordination to ensure that food initiatives contribute to shared goals and outcomes (Misselhorn et al., 2012;Pereira and Ruysenaar, 2012). In all, however, this body of research has failed to become transformative; as Candel (2014: 598) explains, scholarship in this area has remained mostly abstract and normativethat is, it focuses on what an ideal food governance context should look like, rather than how it is actually functioning. In addition to being constrained by the paucity of evidence-based studies, academic debates on food policy tend to be framed within specific disciplinary discourses that emphasize very different threats, priorities and scales of intervention. As Eakin at al. (2017: 760) have recently pointed out, there is relatively little literature that addresses food system sustainability from a truly comprehensive perspective, encompassing the diversity of food system activities, drivers and outcomes .Urban areas are emerging as important empirical contexts to progress debates on the nature and functioning of food systems and to understand the scope for a policy engagement with them. As researchers are beginning to note, multi-actor urban governance coalitions are seeking to enroll pre-existing fragmented initiatives by scaling up food-related activities and advocacy to address broader policy concerns (Mansfield and Mendes, 2013;Cretella and Buenger, 2016). Cities, in other words, are becoming strategic transition nodes that can exploit the policy vacuum created by the absence of comprehensive, coherent and integrated national and supra-national food policies to develop more sustainable food systems. Indeed, academic literature suggests that city governments in both the global North and the global South are imposing themselves as the optimal scale for food policy innovation, often through the adoption of an integrated and systemic approach (Rocha and Lessa, 2009;Sonnino, 2016 andArtioli et al., 2017). To date, however, n...