Great Game um Afrika?

Gieg, Philipp

doi:10.5771/9783845225678

Cited by 10 publications

(11 citation statements)

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“…Beijing and New Delhi are (at least rhetorically) founding their Africa policy on a similar normative legacy that can be traced back to the five principles of peaceful coexistence, embodied in the Panchsheel Agreement between China and India in 1954. The first African–Asian conference in Bandung, where 23 Asian (including India and the People’s Republic of China) and six African nations met in 1955, agreed to build Afro-Asian cooperation upon the following five principles (Gieg, 2010, p. 52): Mutual respect for each other’s territorial integrity and sovereignty; Mutual non-aggression; Mutual non-interference in each other’s internal affairs; Equality and mutual benefit; and Peaceful coexistence. …”

Section: Invoking History: the Normative Legacy Of Indo- And Sino-afrmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Mining and quarry products including crude oil amount to 70 per cent of all Indian imports and 85 per cent of all Chinese imports from Africa, with crude oil playing by far the biggest role. 33 per cent of all Chinese and 25 per cent of all Indian crude oil imports originate from Africa (Biswas, 2013b, p. 124; Gieg, 2010, p. 65). To put it another way: Both countries import only few low, medium and high technology products from Africa.…”

Section: Chinese and Indian Trade With Africamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…A similar pattern can be seen when analysing Chinese exports to Africa which are largely dominated by manufactured goods, too (Asche & Schüller, 2008, p. 30; CII & WTO, 2013, pp. 38–45; Gieg, 2010, p. 63). Of course, these findings hold true for almost all of Africa’s main trading partners: Only France and Germany have inversed import–export ratios (see Table 1), and all partners’ imports from Africa show a prevalence of resources.…”

Section: Chinese and Indian Trade With Africamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…First of all, especially in recent years, both India and China have invested heavily in resource extraction. In the oil sector, this is typically carried out by large state-owned enterprises (SOEs) such as Sinopec, CNPC and CNOOC as far as China is concerned, and by state-owned (OVL, Indian Oil) as well as private sector companies as far as India is concerned (CII & WTO, 2013, p. 52; Gieg, 2010, p. 64; Verma, 2013). While government-owned corporations are also dominant regarding Chinese investments in the mining sector, there are considerably more private-owned multinationals involved on the Indian side.…”

Section: Chinese and Indian Investmentmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…At the same time, the African state is granting a concession to extract raw materials (e.g., exploit crude oil) to another Chinese state-owned company (e.g., Sinopec) which is paying back the loan using the profits from the concession. This so-called ‘Angola Mode’ (Gieg, 2010, p. 71) essentially comes down to trading infrastructure for resources.…”

Section: Chinese and Indian Investmentmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Same Same but Different? India–Africa Relations and Chinese Involvement in the Continent

Gieg

2016

Insight on Africa

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India's involvement in Africa today is often viewed in economic terms only, mainly focusing on resources. The narrative of an emerging power just looking for oil is nowadays used for India's involvement in Africa as much as for Beijing's foray into the continent. Although both countries' reinforced involvement in the continent is the most important development of Africa's international relations since the end of the Cold War, this approach poses the danger of overlooking or at least playing down important nuances and possible differences between the Indian and the Chinese way of dealing with Africa today. As a matter of fact, officials in New Delhi try to dissociate their policy vis-à-vis Africa from Beijing's 'game plan'. But to what extent do India's and China's involvement in Africa actually differ? This article lays out an analytical framework for comparing Indian and Chinese involvement in Africa and subsequently helps examine historical, political and economic relations between the two emerging powers and Africa. It seeks to contribute to a more nuanced understanding of New Delhi's involvement in Africa beyond conventional, sometimes simplistic, assumptions by contrasting India-Africa with China-Africa relations and carving out differences and similarities.

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