Great Power Rivalries, Domestic Politics and Southeast Asian Foreign Policy: Exploring the Linkages

Murphy, Ann Marie

doi:10.1080/14799855.2017.1354566

Cited by 45 publications

(22 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…The inability of neorealists to explain international security dynamics in Asia has also been noted by some IR scholars studying the interactions between great powers like the USA and China, and secondary powers such as Southeast Asian states (Goh, 2008;Murphy, 2017;Ross, 2006). Although they do not call themselves neoclassical realists, their work blends insight from neorealism about the role of power configuration at the international level and classical realism about the importance of state-society relationships.…”

Section: China's Activities In the South China Sea And Indonesia's Strategy Under Jokowimentioning

confidence: 99%

Continuity in Indonesia’s Strategy in the South China Sea Under Joko Widodo

Sari

2021

Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs

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This study seeks to address two interrelated questions: Does Indonesia underbalance against China? Why does President Joko Widodo stick with the strategy of to this day? The study lays out three main arguments. First, there are two types of strategies: the appropriate and inappropriate one (under-balancing). Indonesia, under the first and beginning of the second term of Jokowi presidency, adopts the prudent strategy. Thus, it does not underbalance against the Chinese military threats in the South China Sea. Such prudent strategy consists of several dimensions: facilitating the United States’ security presence in Asia, engaging major powers such as China in bilateral and multilateral economic and political–military ties to socialise China into a peace-loving country. Second, Indonesia’s non-balancing action, which is the second-best strategy after a more traditional direct internal and external military balancing, is considered a prudent choice, for three main reasons: (a) it is predicated on the assessment that China is perceived as a risk-averse limited-aims revisionist power; (b) Indonesia has very limited capacity to directly balance China and (c) the United States is perceived to be willing and able to balance China. Lastly, the continuity of this strategy, which started during the post-Cold War era, is partly related to the positive feedback effects or self-reinforcing process of existing formal institutions.

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Section: China's Activities In the South China Sea And Indonesia's Strategy Under Jokowimentioning

confidence: 99%

Continuity in Indonesia’s Strategy in the South China Sea Under Joko Widodo

Sari

2021

Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs

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“…Several countries show a tendency to be close to China, others maintain strong partnerships with United States, and some strive to remain neutral. Some countries show an increase in the strategic influence of China such as Burma, Cambodia (S. A. Chen, 2018), Laos (Albert, 2019) and the Philippines of the Duterte era (Murphy, 2017). Meanwhile, Singapore is still the main strategic partner of the United States (US Department of State, 2019) and Thailand is also still the key partner of the United States in Southeast Asia (US Department of Defense, 2019).…”

Section: Regional Security Complex Parse Southeast Asiamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This type of strategy seeks resistance or creates contradictory actions as a way to minimize or mitigate weaknesses risk related to the behavior of alliances. Key indicators of the Hedging strategy include strengthening the military without declaring hostility, increasing participation in bilateral and multilateral cooperation, the absence of decisive balancing and bandwagoning efforts and strengthening of simultaneous relations with two regional powers (Murphy, 2017).…”

Section: Indonesia's Defense Concerns and Strategy Towards Indo-pacificmentioning

confidence: 99%

Indonesia Defense Strategy Towards Indo-Pacific (Case Study: The ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific)

Oktaviano¹,

Mahroza²,

Risman³

2020

IAGS

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The emergence of China's economy and military vis-a-vis US's strategy to regain its hegemony has shifted the global political constellation focus to the Southeast Asia region. The recent circumstance in the South China Sea followed by the intensification of the Indo-Pacific strategy, has not only, forcefully put the Southeast Asia region as a theater of China-US geopolitical rivalry, but also increasingly set the complexity of problems to the region. Responding to this context, on June 23, 2019, ASEAN adopted the ASEAN Outlook on Indo-Pacific as foreign policy guidance for its member-states, including Indonesia as an initiator. The objective of this paper is to discuss Indonesia's strategy beyond the ASEAN Outlook. Theoretical framework of regional security complex and regional governance used in explaining the security architecture and political contestation among Southeast Asian countries, and how it influences their stances in ASEAN's role as regional governance within its political mechanism in downplaying Indo-Pacific Strategy. Strategy theory used to analyze how Indonesia develop its strategy to initiate and promote the Outlook beyond its rational interest. Indonesia's role in the initiation and promotion of the ASEAN Outlook is played within the normative framework to upholding persistent regional stability and collective balancing towards the cogency of the Indo-Pacific strategy. Consequently, this condition impels a necessity for Indonesia to build its defense capability without setting aside the free and active policy.

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“…In 2005, Evan Medeiros lamented that hedging is “highly underdeveloped both in international relations theory and security studies literature.” This holds true today. While a growing number of studies offer different conceptualizations and cover a range of diverse hedging cases (Tessman 2012 ; Tunsjo 2013 ; Jackson 2014 ; Fiori and Passeri 2015 ; Kuik 2016a , b ; Hoo 2016 ; Murphy 2017 ; Koga 2018 ; Ciorciari 2019 ; Korolev 2019 ; Lim and Mukherjee 2019 ; Liao and Dang 2019 ; Pitakdumrongkit 2020 ; Chan 2020 ; Teo and Koga 2021 ; Cao 2021 ), there is still no consensus as to how hedging should be defined and applied. Jurgen Haacke ( 2019 ) observed that “as the literature on hedging has expanded, the concept’s analytical value is no longer obvious.” David Martin Jones and Nicole Jenne ( 2021 ) have criticized the dominant understandings of hedging, arguing that the term remains “a vague concept rendering it a residual category of foreign policy behavior.”…”

Section: Introduction: (Mis)understanding Hedgingmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This holds true today. While a growing number of studies offer different conceptualizations and cover a range of diverse hedging cases (Tessman 2012;Tunsjo 2013;Jackson 2014;Fiori and Passeri 2015;Kuik 2016a, b;Hoo 2016;Murphy 2017;Koga 2018;Ciorciari 2019;Korolev 2019;Lim and Mukherjee 2019;Liao and Dang 2019;Pitakdumrongkit 2020;Chan 2020;Teo and Koga 2021;Cao 2021), there is still no consensus as to how hedging should be defined and applied. Jurgen Haacke (2019) observed that "as the literature on hedging has expanded, the concept's analytical value is no longer obvious."…”

Section: Introduction: (Mis)understanding Hedgingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Getting hedging right: a small-state perspective

Kuik

2021

China Int Strategy Rev.

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Great Power Rivalries, Domestic Politics and Southeast Asian Foreign Policy: Exploring the Linkages

Cited by 45 publications

References 9 publications

Continuity in Indonesia’s Strategy in the South China Sea Under Joko Widodo

Continuity in Indonesia’s Strategy in the South China Sea Under Joko Widodo

Indonesia Defense Strategy Towards Indo-Pacific (Case Study: The ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific)

Getting hedging right: a small-state perspective

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