Grievances and political action in Russia during Putin’s rise to power

Li, Olga

doi:10.1080/00207659.2021.1930882

Cited by 2 publications

(1 citation statement)

References 52 publications

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“…Hence, we might expect that protesters and non-protesters consumed different media. Lastly, whilst these may not be the articulated protest grievances or claims per se, social science research on mass protest – but also on mass protest in competitive authoritarian and democratizing contexts – has repeatedly found that protesters also distinguish themselves from non-protesters in their preference or support for other at least initially seemingly unrelated (or not immediately seen as connected to the protest triggers) political dispositions and policy aims that do in fact, align with the democratic values and dispositions (de Almeida, Sá, and Faria 2022; Ash 2022; Li 2021; Onuch 2014b; Onuch and Sasse 2016b, 2022a, 2022b; Schumaker 1975; Winters and Weitz-Shapiro 2014). Thus, taking on board these empirically tested theories – confirmed not only in (competitive) authoritarian and democratizing contexts internationally but also specifically in cases like Ukraine, Georgia, Russia, and Kyrgyzstan – we have some clear expectations about the potential portrait of the median protester in Belarus’ mass mobilization in 2020.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Flowers, Tractors, & Telegram: Who are the Protesters in Belarus?: A Survey Based Assessment of Anti-Lukashenka Protest Participants

Onuch

Sasse

Michiels

2023

Nationalities Papers

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Who are the people who, in the face of extreme repression, unexpectedly take to the streets en masse in an authoritarian state? This article aims to answer this question with reference to the case of the Belarusian anti-Lukashenka mass mobilization of 2020. It employs unique data from an original online protest survey among citizens of Belarus who were 18 or older and residing in the country at the time of the protests (Onuch et. al.; MOBILISE 2020 & 2021; n = 17,174), fielded August 18, 2020–January 29, 2021.2 This survey was designed to: (a) capture as many protesters as possible; and (b) capture a large enough sample of non-protesters as a comparative reference group enabling us to better understand how different anti-Lukashenka protesters (n = 11,719) were from non-protesters (n = 5,455). Guided by theoretical and empirical expectations of contentious politics scholarship, we first provide descriptive statistics about the socio-demographic characteristics of the protesters, self-reported protest grievances and claims, and median protester preferences on a range of attitudes and policies. This portrait of the protesters is followed up by regression analysis to test whether these patterns hold at a statistically significant level when comparing protesters and non-protesters.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Flowers, Tractors, & Telegram: Who are the Protesters in Belarus?: A Survey Based Assessment of Anti-Lukashenka Protest Participants

Onuch

Sasse

Michiels

2023

Nationalities Papers

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Beyond Continuous versus Categorical Dichotomy: Uncovering Latent Structure of Non-electoral Political Participation Using Zero-Inflated Models

Koc

2023

Soc Indic Res

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While modeling political participation as a latent variable, researchers usually choose whether to conceptualize and model participation as a latent continuous or latent categorical variable. When participation is modeled as a continuous variable, factor analytic and item-response theory models are used. When modeled as a categorical variable, latent class analysis is employed. However, both conceptualizations and modeling approaches rest upon very strong assumptions. In the continuous case, all subjects are assumed to come from the same homogenous population; in the categorical case, we assume that no quantitative heterogeneity exists within the latent classes. In this work, I argue that these assumptions are implausible and propose to model participation using zero-inflated measurement and regression models that assume the existence of two latent classes-politically disengaged and politically active-with the latter class being quantitatively heterogenous (people in that class are thought to participate to a varying degree). The results show that the models accounting for the latent class of politically disengaged have much better out-of-sample predictive accuracy. Moreover, modeling the zero-inflation changes estimates of measurement and regression models, and offers new research opportunities because with zero-inflated models we can explicitly tackle the question of what impacts the probability of ending up in the latent class of politically disengaged.

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Grievances and political action in Russia during Putin’s rise to power

Cited by 2 publications

References 52 publications

Flowers, Tractors, & Telegram: Who are the Protesters in Belarus?: A Survey Based Assessment of Anti-Lukashenka Protest Participants

Flowers, Tractors, & Telegram: Who are the Protesters in Belarus?: A Survey Based Assessment of Anti-Lukashenka Protest Participants

Beyond Continuous versus Categorical Dichotomy: Uncovering Latent Structure of Non-electoral Political Participation Using Zero-Inflated Models

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