Gunboat Diplomacy 1919–1991

Cable, James

doi:10.1007/978-1-349-23415-8

Cited by 35 publications

(5 citation statements)

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“…Nevertheless, this differs from the conceptual framework of gunboat diplomacy used in naval studies during the World Wars. In gunboat diplomacy, the focus of analysis is the utilization of navies to achieve a particular diplomatic goal pre-determined by the state (Cable, 1994;Tarriela, 2018). It conducts coercive actions to compel adversaries (Mahan, 1898;Till, 2018Till, , 2022.…”

Section: Contemporary Developments About Vietnam Intrusions In Early ...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Testing Indonesia’s decisiveness: Vietnam’s continuous presence in the North Natuna Seas

Putra

2024

Front. Polit. Sci.

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In December 2022, Indonesia and Vietnam concluded the EEZ boundary lines that have been under negotiations for 12 years. Through this, it is expected that intrusions made by Vietnamese maritime constabulary forces into Indonesia’s North Natuna Seas can end. On the contrary, intrusions have risen in the first 8 months of 2023, indicating Vietnam’s intent to continue its maritime-based operations in the gray-zone areas of Indonesian waters. In making sense of this developing crisis, this article adopts secondary data from the Indonesia Open Justice Initiative between January 2023 and August 2023. In tracking the instances of intrusions, it utilizes an Automatic Identification System obtained from Marine Traffic. The analysis is made by framing the crisis under the maritime diplomatic framework, which concludes that Vietnam is persistent with its maritime diplomatic strategy of “paragunboat diplomacy” in showcasing effective occupancy in gray zone areas.

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Section: Contemporary Developments About Vietnam Intrusions In Early ...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Testing Indonesia’s decisiveness: Vietnam’s continuous presence in the North Natuna Seas

Putra

2024

Front. Polit. Sci.

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“…Discussions on the use of coast guards in a coercive manner expand the century-long discussion on how states use maritime forces to compel adversaries. The common term in the past was 'gunboat diplomacy' or 'naval diplomacy,' defined as the use of navies to project power at sea with the aim of coercing actors (Till 2018;Cable 1994). As several scholars have contended, naval diplomacy was heavily utilized in the past (pre-Cold War period) due to its political function to project power and compel adversaries (McConnell and Kelly 1973;Rowlands 2018;Davidson 2008).…”

Section: White Hulls In the Discourse Of Maritime Diplomacy: A Litera...mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In 2018, despite limitations to its budget, Duterte pledged USD 6.7 billion to the PCG, allowing it to update several of its fleets and attempt to acquire vessels beyond the 1000-ton weight (Parameswaran 2019). As asserted by a leading scholar in gunboat diplomacy, James Cable, when it comes to navies, pure size matters (Cable 1994). The struggles faced by the Philippines in the past couple of years were due to unreliable PCG fleets that could not compete with the numbers and size of the CCG.…”

Section: The Indo-pacific Coastguard Age and The Philippines' White H...mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Golden Age of White Hulls: Deciphering the Philippines’ Maritime Diplomatic Strategies in the South China Sea

Putra

2023

Social Sciences

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The Philippines is facing increased assertiveness by China in the South China Sea. By constantly deploying maritime constabulary forces, China continues to showcase its effective occupancy over disputed waters at sea. Surprisingly, unlike the Philippines’ previous president, Duterte, who tilted to China and lacked a clear South China Sea policy, Marcos seems strong-willed to adopt a decisive stance against China in areas that overlap with the Philippines’ waters through the utilization of coast guards (white hulls). This article questions why the Marcos administration decided to empower the Philippines coast guard and investigates how it is strategically utilized in disputed waters. The study is an empirical explanatory research utilizing secondary data attained from the Asian Maritime Transparency Initiative between 2021 and 2023, with the following findings: (1) the Philippines empowered white hulls to function as ‘mini-navies’ and (2) rapprochement to the US and Japan as precautionary measures to possible future conflicts. The strategic advantage of using coast guards as an alternative to navies is twofold: (1) the capacity to generate limited coercive effects yet maintain a decisive stance, and (2) tactical flexibility that allows it to produce non-escalatory outcomes.

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“…Earlier studies can be traced as far back as the 19th century, with Mahan (1898) works emphasizing how the sea can advance one's national interests. Following the development of naval warfare during the World Wars, Cable (1989Cable ( , 1994) "Gunboat Diplomacy" attracted scholars to identify how diplomacy can also take the form of naval ships conducting certain maneuvers to achieve a pre-determined diplomatic goal. Consequently, most of the following studies include an evaluation of the strategic utility of military hard power assets (navies) and how it is utilized by state actors (Alderwick and Giegerich, 2010;Percy, 2016;Till, 2018).…”

Section: Literature Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

Deciphering the maritime diplomatic properties of Malaysia's oil and gas explorations in the South China Sea

Putra

2023

Front. Polit. Sci.

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Studies in maritime diplomacy have treated the development of oil and gas explorations in the South China Sea as taken-for-granted events. On the contrary, this study argues that assessing the maritime diplomatic properties inherent in energy reserve explorations can reveal unique insights, motivations, and significance of maritime diplomatic events. It assesses Malaysia's oil and gas explorations in the Luconia Shoals, informed by the analytical framework of Le Mière's maritime diplomatic properties. Utilizing secondary data from the Asian Maritime Transparency Initiative between 2020 and 2023 related to Malaysia's oil and gas project developments in the Luconia Shoals, this article concludes that the maritime diplomatic events consist of the following characteristics: (1) pre-emptive and sustainment, underlining Malaysia's long-term plan of fulfilling the growing domestic energy demand, (2) explicitness of the messages transmitted to Chinese officials in order to repel any possibilities of adversaries misconstruing Malaysia's actions at sea, and (3) moderate kinetic effect due to the lethal weaponry at the disposal of the hard power assets deployed to handle occurring crisis. Evaluation of Malaysia's maritime diplomatic properties also reveals two worrying conclusions: (1) the existence of reactive events, which can cause disruptions at sea due to the lack of planning related to the actions taken by the Royal Malaysian Navy, and (2) asymmetrical power relations between China and Malaysia, predicted to cause China to continue its power projections at sea and aggravate Malaysian policymakers.

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Gunboat Diplomacy 1919–1991

Cited by 35 publications

References 0 publications

Testing Indonesia’s decisiveness: Vietnam’s continuous presence in the North Natuna Seas

Testing Indonesia’s decisiveness: Vietnam’s continuous presence in the North Natuna Seas

The Golden Age of White Hulls: Deciphering the Philippines’ Maritime Diplomatic Strategies in the South China Sea

Deciphering the maritime diplomatic properties of Malaysia's oil and gas explorations in the South China Sea

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