Hashtagging girlhood: #IAmMalala, #BringBackOurGirls and gendering representations of global politics

Berents, Helen

doi:10.1080/14616742.2016.1207463

Cited by 47 publications

(25 citation statements)

References 21 publications

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“…These protests organized by "women-led civil society organizations" made the campaign formidable. Although Bring Back Our Girls was initiated by Nigerians, it was globally accepted as a response to the kidnapping of the schoolgirls by Boko Haram (Berents 2016). Since the abduction of the schoolgirls, Bring Back Our Girls has continued to mobilize other women's groups for protests in different parts of Nigeria and beyond during the annual Children's Day celebrations.…”

Section: Participation In Protest Marches and Press Conferencesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…According to Maxfield (2016), Bring Back Our Girls' major strategies include protest marches, press conferences, film documentaries, tweeting and re-tweeting #BringBackOurGirls. The hashtag has received almost two million tweets by the end of April 2014 (Berents 2016). The campaign has also won over mainstream civil society organizations such as the Centre for Democracy and Development and persuaded them to lend their voices to campaigns to rescue the girls.…”

Section: Participation In Protest Marches and Press Conferencesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Femininity is not inferiority: women-led civil society organizations and “countering violent extremism” in Nigeria

Nwangwu

Ezeibe

2019

International Feminist Journal of Politics

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The United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security, and the Millennium Development Goals, brought the inclusion of women in the security agenda into the international limelight. Although these global frameworks, and other international resolutions, underscore the importance of women's participation in the politics of peace and security, Nigeria's frameworks have not been inclusive. Extant literature has examined the role of women within the context of mainstream responsibilities for "counter-terrorism and counter-insurgency" that are held by the military and paramilitary forces. This study interrogates the role of women-led civil society organizations in "countering violent extremism" activities in Nigeria. Using a mixed-methods approach, it demonstrates that the participation of womenled civil society organizations in "countering violent extremism" activities has generated certain positive results for achieving women's inclusion and gender equality in politics and society.

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Section: Participation In Protest Marches and Press Conferencesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Participation In Protest Marches and Press Conferencesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Femininity is not inferiority: women-led civil society organizations and “countering violent extremism” in Nigeria

Nwangwu

Ezeibe

2019

International Feminist Journal of Politics

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“…Mediatized cultures draw on many forms of visual media; this presentation focuses on photography and still visual images that are shared via Twitter. Images of children are iconic (Berents, 2016), a synecdoche for understanding a political event (Moeller, 2002). They draw on stereotypes about childhood to illustrate a conflict or crisis.…”

Section: Sharing Images Of Children's Death: Politics and Digital Medmentioning

confidence: 99%

Performing (In)justice: The Contentious Politics of Digitally Mediated Visuals

Lewis

Berents

Myles

et al. 2019

SPIR

Self Cite

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This panel considers sociopolitical contentions as being increasingly visually mediated and brings together a transdisciplinary group of researchers to reflect on the complex ways digitally mediated visuals construct, sustain and perform (in)justice. To do this, panelists reflect on the many forms and political textures digitally mediated visuals can assume (online and offline), and considers the specific role of digital affordances and platform politics in sustaining these practices. Panelists address key questions: 1) how do digitally mediated visuals enact forms of (in)justice?; 2) what potentials or limitations do digitally mediated visuals generate for scholars wishing to understand broader sociopolitical contentions?; and 3) what conceptual and methodological tools should (Internet) scholars employ to study the contentious politics of digitally mediated visuals (and with what ethical implications)? Drawing from media and communication, international relations, cultural studies and discourse theory, panelists address a variety of sociopolitical topics across platforms (WhatsApp, Instagram, Facebook and Twitter) and territories, including: US black justice movements, sexual racism in Latin America and Southeast Asia, conflicts over representations of death in the Middle East, and transnational movements for trans rights activism. Panelists engage with Internet research to investigate the contentious politics of digitally mediated visuals by drawing on several perspectives to challenge hegemonic conceptions, Western biases and dominant discourses. They also mobilize qualitative or hybrid methods to track the trajectories of digitally mediated visuals to understand their biographies and sociopolitical productiveness in the context of their emergence, methods particularly interesting for Internet studies considering ongoing critiques against big data approaches.

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“…Second, with its focus on individual and societal practices, the article also emphasizes the importance of the “everyday” for “ontological security,” thereby bringing together two themes and literatures which in recent years have become increasingly developed but rarely in conversation with each other. In particular, in contrast to the tendency to treat social media practices like tweeting, clicking “like,” or sharing Facebook posts as politically epiphenomenal manifestations of “slacktivism” (Berents, , p. 3; Verrall, , p. 237), the article starts from the premise that, at least for some people—and in particular among the generation of so‐called “digital natives” (Prensky, ) who increasingly live their lives through social media—interactions on social media often do matter . At the same time, the article's concern with the everyday extends beyond social media, not least because following the attacks social media was also being used as a means to record, communicate, and promote “offline” everyday practices like going out and drinking coffee, and not only to signal people's views and feelings in response to the attacks.…”

Section: Is There More To Life Than Vol‐au‐vents?mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This correlates more to a sense of vicarious experience than vicarious identification and parallels some of the arguments of the Dark Tourism literature discussed earlier, suggesting people often seek out death for largely voyeuristic purposes. Others might have been engaging in forms of “slacktivism”—the easy and shallow engagement with a cause via social media that can make one feel self‐righteous and engaged but without any genuine level of empathy present (Berents, , p. 3; Verrall, , p. 237).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“Je suis en terrasse”: Political Violence, Civilizational Politics, and the Everyday Courage to Be

Browning

2017

Political Psychology

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Following the attacks against the Paris offices of the satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo in January 2015 and the subsequent acts of political violence in Paris the following November, a number of memes spread swiftly across social media. Most notable of these were proclamations of "Je suis Charlie," "Je suis Paris," "Je suis en terrasse," and tricolorizing one's Facebook profile page. Although there are various ways by which this phenomenon might be explained, this article argues that, at least for some people, they seem to have operated as key mechanisms by which individuals/society sought to reestablish what Tillich calls "the courage to be," and which in more contemporary terminology might be labeled a sense of ontological security-the ability to go on in the face of what would otherwise be debilitating anxieties of existential dread. The article argues the memes did this through a number of mechanisms. These included establishing a sense of vicarious identification with the victims; embracing increased levels of danger and seeking to confront the question of mortality head on; reasserting a sense of community and home via the reinstantiation of everyday routines now ascribed with enhanced political and existential significance; and reaffirming a new civilizationally inflected self-narrative.KEY WORDS: ontological security and anxiety, vicarious identity, civilizational politics, Paris attacks, social media and memes During the evening of November 13, 2015, terror came to the streets of Paris, as terrorists affiliated with Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) targeted cafes, restaurants, the national stadium, and the Bataclan theatre. The shootings and suicide bombings left 130 dead and a further 368 injured. The attacks in November followed an earlier attack in Paris in January, that killed 17, but which is most remembered for the targeting of the offices of the satirical magazine, Charlie Hebdo, where 12 people were killed. Both these attacks resulted in a number of intriguing and "apparently" rather spontaneous-as opposed to (officially) orchestrated-responses across civil society, within Paris, France and even beyond. These took the form of a number of memes that spread swiftly across social media depicting what might be viewed as everyday acts of defiance against the attackers and solidarity with the victims. Following the attack on the offices of Charlie Hebdo, the slogan, "Je suis Charlie" was popularized. Following the wider set of attacks later in November, a similar meme emerged with widespread adoption of the slogan, "Je suis Paris." However, other memes also emerged in this context. One included updating personal profile pictures on Facebook via overlaying a semitranslucent French 243 0162-895X

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Hashtagging girlhood: #IAmMalala, #BringBackOurGirls and gendering representations of global politics

Cited by 47 publications

References 21 publications

Femininity is not inferiority: women-led civil society organizations and “countering violent extremism” in Nigeria

Femininity is not inferiority: women-led civil society organizations and “countering violent extremism” in Nigeria

Performing (In)justice: The Contentious Politics of Digitally Mediated Visuals

“Je suis en terrasse”: Political Violence, Civilizational Politics, and the Everyday Courage to Be

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