Henry Kissinger and the American Century

Suri, Jeremi

doi:10.4159/9780674281943

Cited by 49 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 0 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…Given this, in Kissinger's opinion, European efforts -via their 'Euro-Arab' dialogue -to implement UN Resolution 242 only complicated his efforts to establish a ceasefire agreement and find a permanent political solution. 183 While Kissinger continued to broker an Arab-Israeli agreement, the Arab oil ministers met in Kuwait. Here, they decreed that the 5 per cent cuts which they had cancelled for December 1973 would be re-imposed upon those states which 'don't provide concrete evidence of friendliness such as by showing they are putting pressure on the United States or Israel'.…”

Section: The Allure Of Oilmentioning

confidence: 99%

A year of discord 1973–74

Robb¹

2018

A Strained Partnership?

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Section: The Allure Of Oilmentioning

confidence: 99%

A year of discord 1973–74

Robb¹

2018

A Strained Partnership?

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

“…Even the nomenclature had changed with World War II: whereas the U.S. government had previously employed the term "Hebrew" to designate difference, "Jew" was the new term of distinction-one that, for many, indicated "a fluid culture rather than a primordial race." 33 This reformulated recognition was not universal, however, and Jews and Catholics continued to face multiple exclusions in various social arenas throughout the twentieth century. Additionally, even at their most inclusive, these frameworks left secular Jews without a basis of belonging.…”

Section: Military Metaphors and The Making Of Judeo-christiansmentioning

confidence: 99%

For God and Country: Religious Minorities Striving for National Belonging through Community Service

Corbett¹

2016

Relig. Am. cult.

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This article examines how religious minorities (specifically, marginalized Protestants, Catholics, Jews, and Muslims) have participated in government-affiliated service programs as part of attempts to assert claims to faith in a common God, observance of common ethics, and belonging in a common body politic. Historians have described World War II as—thanks to the interreligious military—a time of enshrining “Judeo-Christian” narratives in culture, legislation, and politics, and of allowing Jews greater access to these arenas than they had experienced previously. While military service is also important here, my primary subject is the service religious groups initially offered as a compliment to military activity but then expanded and generalized—often under government commission—into community care work that relieved the state of the economic burden of supplying certain citizenship benefits or that gave international endeavors a friendlier face. Marginalized white Protestants were the first to offer such services, but other minoritized religious groups followed their example, patriotically echoing military themes throughout the twentieth century when creating “service” organizations and volunteer “corps.” While many contemporary Muslim American leaders believe that community service engagements will help Muslims overcome discrimination by demonstrating that they also make vital contributions to the U.S., several current factors call that possibility into question—not least of which is the history of only partial acceptance earlier religious minorities enjoyed as a result of their efforts.

show abstract

“…For example, the head of Harvard's Russian Research Center (RCC), Clyde Kluckhohn, isolated Harvard's dean of Russian history, Michael Karpovich, from RCC business through the 1930s and 1940s. 109 Stepun played only a minor role in the US Army's programs to reconstruct Germany into a bastion of democracy. 110 And despite Zernov's strictly ecumenical activity, he shared the Weimarémigrés' suspicion of the capacity of populations for liberal democracy.…”

Section: -1904mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Symbolist Conceit: Vladimir Solov′ev's Posthumous Career, the Politics of Reception, and the Legacy of the Russian Emigration, 1892–1956

Gillen¹

2016

Mod. Intell. Hist.

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

For nearly a century, the interpretation of Vladimir Sergeevich Solov′ev (1853–1900) has been locked in a “mythopoeic method” of the Symbolist conceit rooted in Europe-widefin de sièclecultural developments. Solov′ev's posterity has come to see him as a mystic prophesying the folly of reason and mass politics, whereas his contemporaries saw him as the model for both Ivan and Alyosha Karamazov in Fedor Dostoevskii'sThe Brothers Karamazov—a dramatization of the “politics of the self” within the secularization frame. The story of the gap between these two images reveals the historicity of the Symbolist conceit. More broadly, it shows how the Russian authors of this myth participated in transnational prewar and interwar discourses about mass politics, culture, and violence that expand the typical chronological and geographical boundaries associated with these developments.

show abstract

Henry Kissinger and the American Century

Cited by 49 publications

References 0 publications

A year of discord 1973–74

A year of discord 1973–74

For God and Country: Religious Minorities Striving for National Belonging through Community Service

The Symbolist Conceit: Vladimir Solov′ev's Posthumous Career, the Politics of Reception, and the Legacy of the Russian Emigration, 1892–1956

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About