Heritage Speakers Follow All the Rules: Language Contact and Convergence in Polish Devoicing

Lyskawa, Paulina; Maddeaux, Ruth; Melara, Emilia; Nagy, Naomi

doi:10.46538/hlj.13.2.7

Cited by 23 publications

(7 citation statements)

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“…Relevant data is provided in the appendix. This echoes the lack of correlation of ethnic orientation to other variable linguistic patterns examined in the HLVC project (Lyskawa, 2015; Lyskawa, Maddeaux, & Melara, 2015; Nagy et al, 2014).…”

Section: Results: F0mentioning

confidence: 60%

VOT merger in Heritage Korean in Toronto

Kang

Nagy

2016

Lang Var Change

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Korean has a typologically unusual three-way laryngeal contrast in voiceless stops among aspirated, lenis, and fortis stops. Seoul Korean is undergoing a female-led sound change in which aspirated stops and lenis stops are merging in voice onset time (VOT) and are better distinguished by the F0 (fundamental frequency) of the following vowel than by their VOT, in younger speakers' speech. This paper compares the VOT pattern of Homeland (Seoul) and Heritage (Toronto) Korean speakers and finds that the same change is in progress in both. However, in the heritage variety, younger speakers do not advance the change, unlike their Seoul counterparts. Rather they have leveled off or are perhaps reversing the change, and there is very little sex difference among the younger heritage speakers' patterns. We consider possible accounts of the differences between the Seoul and Toronto patterns, building our understanding of how language-internal variation operates in bilingual speakers, a topic that has received relatively less attention in the variationist literature.

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Section: Results: F0mentioning

confidence: 60%

VOT merger in Heritage Korean in Toronto

Kang

Nagy

2016

Lang Var Change

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“…For Polish, voiced obstruents undergo a neutralization process and devoice word finally (Iverson and Salmons 2011;Łyskawa et al 2016). This operation does not occur before voiced obstruents, likely due to regressive spreading of GT from the onset of the following word.…”

Section: Ambiguous Surface Patterns: Wisconsin Frisianmentioning

confidence: 99%

Modeling Heritage Language Phonetics and Phonology: Toward an Integrated Multilingual Sound System

Natvig

2021

Languages

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Although heritage language phonology is often argued to be fairly stable, heritage language speakers often sound noticeably different from both monolinguals and second-language learners. In order to model these types of asymmetries, I propose a theoretical framework—an integrated multilingual sound system—based on modular representations of an integrated set of phonological contrasts. An examination of general findings in laryngeal (voicing, aspiration, etc.) phonetics and phonology for heritage languages shows that procedures for pronouncing phonemes are variable and plastic, even if abstract may representations remain stable. Furthermore, an integrated multilingual sound system predicts that use of one language may require a subset of the available representations, which illuminates the mechanisms that underlie phonological transfer, attrition, and acquisition.

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“…However, in other areas they show variability that is different from monolingual norms (Alvord & Rogers, 2014; Amengual, 2016; Colantoni et al, 2016; Godson, 2004; Henriksen, 2015; Robles-Puente, 2014; Ronquest, 2012, 2013). Studies have found that heritage language vowel space either shows assimilation to or dissimilation from that of the majority language (Cummings Ruiz, 2019; Ronquest, 2012, 2013) and that heritage language stop productions are affected by factors such as cognate status (Amengual, 2012), code-switching (Łyskawa, Maddeaux, Melara & Nagy, 2016), and speaker generation (Mayr & Siddika, 2018; Nodari, Celata & Nagy, 2019). Some phonological properties may also show both variability and stability.…”

Section: Understanding Heritage Phonological Grammarsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The missing link in Spanish heritage trill production

Repiso-Puigdelliura

Kim

2020

Bilingualism

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While heritage language phonology has attracted a great deal of attention, little is known about the development of heritage phonological grammars. This study examines the production of the Spanish trill /r/ by school-aged (9-10 years) and adult heritage speakers. Results showed that the adult heritage speakers produced the trill in a more target-like manner than the child heritage speakers, although half of them diverged from non-heritage native baselines reported in other studies. Further analysis of the distribution of trill variants suggests that heritage Spanish trill development occurs in the order of single lingual constriction → frication → multiple lingual constrictions. However, instead of abandoning variants of early stages, some adult heritage speakers kept them in their trill inventories, demonstrating increased variability. Our findings indicate that 9- to 10-year-old heritage speakers are still in the process of developing heritage phonological grammars and even during adulthood their grammars may not reach stability.

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Heritage Speakers Follow All the Rules: Language Contact and Convergence in Polish Devoicing

Cited by 23 publications

References 0 publications

VOT merger in Heritage Korean in Toronto

VOT merger in Heritage Korean in Toronto

Modeling Heritage Language Phonetics and Phonology: Toward an Integrated Multilingual Sound System

The missing link in Spanish heritage trill production

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